Exclusive - Lebanon: Palestinian Camps Home to Armed Groups Under Islamic Labels

Fatah members in the Ain el-Hilweh refugee camp in April 2017. (Reuters)
Fatah members in the Ain el-Hilweh refugee camp in April 2017. (Reuters)
TT

Exclusive - Lebanon: Palestinian Camps Home to Armed Groups Under Islamic Labels

Fatah members in the Ain el-Hilweh refugee camp in April 2017. (Reuters)
Fatah members in the Ain el-Hilweh refugee camp in April 2017. (Reuters)

In September, the Lebanese army intelligence carried out a security operation in the Ain al-Hilweh Palestinian refugee camp in southern Lebanon that led to the arrest of the religious leader of the Abdullah Azzam Brigades – known as Mufti Al-Sharia - Bahaa al-Din Hajjar, who was involved in the bombing of the Iranian embassy five years ago.

A year earlier, the General Security arrested members of a terrorist network, who communicate with their operators from Lebanese areas, especially in the camps of Ain el-Hilweh, Burj al-Barajneh and Shatila, where they were receiving instructions to execute suicide bombings and assassinations, as admitted by the detainees.

In 2016, the military intelligence arrested one of the most notorious terrorists, Imad Yassin, who was wanted by 40 judicial warrants, in an operation that was classified as a major achievement in the Ain el-Hilweh camp, without a single drop of blood being shed.

Before ISIS’ involvement in the Palestinian camps in the wake of war in Syria, these camps have long been a breeding ground for Islamic extremism, from Esbat Al-Ansar group, which was accused of assassinating four judges in Sidon around 20 years ago, to Fatah al-Islam sparked the Nahr al-Bared camp clashes in 2007.

Palestinian Researcher Hisham Dabsi told Asharq Al-Awsat: “Immediately after 1982, no Palestinian Islamic organization was established, except for the war on the camps that the Amal Movement launched in 1985 under the direction of the Syrian regime.”

“When the siege was imposed on the Burj al-Barajneh camp in the southern suburbs of Beirut, I was inside the camp. I felt the strong reaction of the Palestinians against Amal Movement, in exchange for a great appreciation for the role of Sayyed Mohammed Hussein Fadlallah, who issued a fatwa forbidding fighting the Palestinians.”

“A group of young Palestinians went to Fadlallah’s mosque in Haret Hreik, listened to his Friday sermon and supported his path. At that time, the idea of the emergence of Hezbollah was taking shape.”

According to Dabsi, small groups in Burj al-Barajneh and other camps have distinguished themselves from the existing factions and considered that the solution to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict lies only through Islamic resistance. The majority of these groups remained within the existing organizations, mainly Fatah, until the first uprising in Palestine in December 1987.

“With the stone uprising, for the first time, the Palestinian Muslim Brotherhood formed the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas). Palestinians in the Muslim Brotherhood have been screened in asylum countries to form their organization,” he recounted.

“The Islamic Jihad movement, which does not have Brotherhood origins, was formed by a group of Islamists who were students, headed by Fathi Shikaki, Ziad Nakhala and Mohammed Najjar, who was wanted by the US. The latter was welcomed in Beirut’s southern suburbs. They were in contact with Iran through Shikaki, but when Iran asked him to adopt Shiism, he separated from the group.”

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Sheikh Maher Hamoud, head of the World Union of Resistance Scholars, said: “I believe that talking about terrorist bases in the camps is not accurate and accusing the Palestinian Islamic factions of all the crimes is much exaggerated.”

He went on to say: “It is true that all kinds of extremism have emerged in the camps, but they have declined. In general, extremists are supported by many parties, hoping to absorb them and return them to the right path.”

“In any case, extremism in the Palestinian environment has declined after the defeat of Ahmed al-Assir and the downfall of ISIS in Syria.”

A source from Fatah movement said: “After the formation of armed Islamic movements in the camps, rivalry with Fatah started with funding from the Syrian intelligence. The ‘Ahbash’ and Esbat al-Ansar carried out acts of armed sabotage and assassinations.”

However, according to Hamoud, the reason behind the rise of Islamic extremism in a previous period, “is due to the absence of a Lebanese and Palestinian authority inside the camps capable of enforcing the law, as well as the abundant presence of sporadic weapons, which are exploited politically.”

Asked about the financing of extremist Islamists in the Palestinian camps, the Fatah source noted that the funding of these movements depended on the parties that wanted to employ them.

“There is no regional or international intelligence service that has not intervened in these groups, either to obtain information or to carry out some dirty work,” the sources said, pointing that Qatar’s role had declined and then completely stopped.

“Currently, Islamic extremist groups are being nurtured by Iran and Syria. Lebanese state intelligence also uses them in different ways to obtain information. In short, these factions are funded and operated within agendas, as needed,” the Fatah sources concluded.



Little Hope in Gaza that Arrest Warrants will Cool Israeli Onslaught

Palestinians gather to buy bread from a bakery, amid the Israel-Hamas conflict, in Khan Younis, in the southern Gaza Strip November 22, 2024. REUTERS/Hussam Al-Masri Purchase Licensing Rights
Palestinians gather to buy bread from a bakery, amid the Israel-Hamas conflict, in Khan Younis, in the southern Gaza Strip November 22, 2024. REUTERS/Hussam Al-Masri Purchase Licensing Rights
TT

Little Hope in Gaza that Arrest Warrants will Cool Israeli Onslaught

Palestinians gather to buy bread from a bakery, amid the Israel-Hamas conflict, in Khan Younis, in the southern Gaza Strip November 22, 2024. REUTERS/Hussam Al-Masri Purchase Licensing Rights
Palestinians gather to buy bread from a bakery, amid the Israel-Hamas conflict, in Khan Younis, in the southern Gaza Strip November 22, 2024. REUTERS/Hussam Al-Masri Purchase Licensing Rights

Gazans saw little hope on Friday that International Criminal Court arrest warrants for Israeli leaders would slow down the onslaught on the Palestinian territory, where medics said at least 24 people were killed in fresh Israeli military strikes.

In Gaza City in the north, an Israeli strike on a house in Shejaia killed eight people, medics said. Three others were killed in a strike near a bakery and a fisherman was killed as he set out to sea. In the central and southern areas, 12 people were killed in three separate Israeli airstrikes.

Meanwhile, Israeli forces deepened their incursion and bombardment of the northern edge of the enclave, their main offensive since early last month. The military says it aims to prevent Hamas fighters from waging attacks and regrouping there; residents say they fear the aim is to permanently depopulate a strip of territory as a buffer zone, which Israel denies.

Residents in the three besieged towns on the northern edge - Jabalia, Beit Lahiya and Beit Hanoun - said Israeli forces had blown up dozens of houses.

An Israeli strike hit the Kamal Adwan Hospital in Beit Lahiya, one of three medical facilities barely operational in the area, injuring six medical staff, some critically, the Gaza health ministry said in a statement, Reuters reported.

"The strike also destroyed the hospital's main generator, and punctured the water tanks, leaving the hospital without oxygen or water, which threatens the lives of patients and staff inside the hospital," it added. It said 85 wounded people including children and women were inside, eight in the ICU.

Later on Friday, the Gaza health ministry said all hospital services across the enclave would stop within 48 hours unless fuel shipments are permitted, blaming restrictions which Israel says are designed to stop fuel being used by Hamas.

Gazans saw the ICC's decision to seek the arrest of Israeli leaders for suspected war crimes as international recognition of the enclave's plight. But those queuing for bread at a bakery in the southern city of Khan Younis were doubtful it would have any impact.

"The decision will not be implemented because America protects Israel, and it can veto anything. Israel will not be held accountable," said Saber Abu Ghali, as he waited for his turn in the crowd.

Saeed Abu Youssef, 75, said even if justice were to arrive, it would be decades late: "We have been hearing decisions for more than 76 years that have not been implemented and haven't done anything for us."

Since Hamas's October 7th attack on Israel, nearly 44,000 Palestinians have been killed in Gaza, much of which has been laid to waste.

The court's prosecutors said there were reasonable grounds to believe Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant were criminally responsible for acts including murder, persecution, and starvation as a weapon of war, as part of a "widespread and systematic attack against the civilian population of Gaza".

The Hague-based court also ordered the arrest of the top Hamas commander Ibrahim Al-Masri, also known as Mohammed Deif. Israel says it has already killed him, which Hamas has not confirmed.

Israel says Hamas is to blame for all harm to Gaza's civilians, for operating among them, which Hamas denies.

Israeli politicians from across the political spectrum have denounced the ICC arrest warrants as biased and based on false evidence, and Israel says the court has no jurisdiction over the war. Hamas hailed the arrest warrants as a first step towards justice.

Efforts by Arab mediators Qatar and Egypt backed by the United States to conclude a ceasefire deal have stalled. Hamas wants a deal that ends the war, while Netanyahu has vowed the war can end only once Hamas is eradicated.