Syria's Kurds: From the Margins to Fragile Autonomy

A fighter from the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) participates in a demonstration in the northeastern Syrian Kurdish-majority city of Qamishli on December 28, 2018, against threats from Turkey to carry out a fresh offensive following the US decision to withdraw their troops. Delil souleiman / AFP
A fighter from the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) participates in a demonstration in the northeastern Syrian Kurdish-majority city of Qamishli on December 28, 2018, against threats from Turkey to carry out a fresh offensive following the US decision to withdraw their troops. Delil souleiman / AFP
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Syria's Kurds: From the Margins to Fragile Autonomy

A fighter from the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) participates in a demonstration in the northeastern Syrian Kurdish-majority city of Qamishli on December 28, 2018, against threats from Turkey to carry out a fresh offensive following the US decision to withdraw their troops. Delil souleiman / AFP
A fighter from the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) participates in a demonstration in the northeastern Syrian Kurdish-majority city of Qamishli on December 28, 2018, against threats from Turkey to carry out a fresh offensive following the US decision to withdraw their troops. Delil souleiman / AFP

Syria's Kurds, who have asked for regime help to face a threatened Turkish offensive, have seen their prospects of increased autonomy change over the course of the war, Agence France Presse reported.

Concentrated in the north, Kurds make up around 15 percent of Syria's population.

The Kurds had been stripped of their nationality following a controversial census in 1962.

They have suffered decades of marginalization and oppression by the ruling Baath party and have long pushed for their cultural and political rights, said the report.

When Syria's conflict erupted in 2011, the Kurdish population generally sought to adopt a position of neutrality.

The head of the regime, Bashar al-Assad, made conciliatory gestures towards the Kurds from the earliest days of the conflict, granting citizenship to 300,000 people -- a key demand for half a century.

In 2012, regime forces withdrew from Kurdish-majority areas in the north and east, paving the way for Kurds to consolidate control on the ground.

They have since established self-rule in many of these zones.

In 2013, the Democratic Union Party (PYD) -- the political branch of the powerful People's Protection Units (YPG) -- announced the establishment of a semi-autonomous region.

In 2016, Kurdish authorities unveiled a "federal region" for this territory comprising three cantons: Afrin in Aleppo province, Jazira (Hasakeh province) and Euphrates (which includes parts of Aleppo and Raqqa provinces).

The initiative looked like de facto autonomy, provoking hostility from Syria's mainstream opposition forces and neighboring Turkey.

At the end of 2016, the Kurds gave themselves a "social contract" -- a kind of constitution for their "federal region".

A year later residents of Kurdish regions elect their own municipal councillors.

Kurdish fighters have been one of the most effective forces fighting ISIS in Syria, with air support from a US-led coalition, AFP said.

At the start of 2015, they ousted ISIS from Kobane on the Turkish border after more than four months of fierce fighting.

The Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), an alliance of Kurdish forces and local Arab militiamen was created in October 2015.

Dominated by the Kurdish YPG, it has been the main ground force battling ISIS remnants in eastern Syria.

In October 2017, they ousted ISIS from its de facto Syrian capital, Raqqa, and by the end of 2018 they were still fighting die-hard militants near the Iraqi border.

In January 2018, the US-led coalition announced it was working to create in northern Syria a 30,000-strong border force comprised of Kurdish and Arab fighters, around half of whom would be retrained SDF fighters.

But Ankara accuses the YPG of being the Syrian offshoot of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) which has waged a three-decade rebellion in Turkey's southeast.

On January 20, 2018, Turkey launched an air and ground operation against the YPG-held enclave of Afrin, taking control of it on March 18.

On December 19, US President Donald Trump ordered the forthcoming withdrawal of some 2,000 US soldiers deployed in Syria, who have been fighting the ISIS alongside the YPG.

In the following days Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan sent troop reinforcements to the border between Turkey and the Syrian Kurdish regions in preparation for a possible offensive after the withdrawal of American troops.

On December 28, the Syrian army said it had entered the northern city of Manbij, 30 kilometers from the Turkish border, after the Kurds asked regime forces to deploy in areas it already withdrew from earlier this year.



As Gaza Faces Starvation, Reluctant Germany Starts to Curb Support for Israel

German Chancellor Friedrich Merz looks on at the start of a cabinet meeting of the federal government in Berlin, Germany, 30 July 2025. (EPA)
German Chancellor Friedrich Merz looks on at the start of a cabinet meeting of the federal government in Berlin, Germany, 30 July 2025. (EPA)
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As Gaza Faces Starvation, Reluctant Germany Starts to Curb Support for Israel

German Chancellor Friedrich Merz looks on at the start of a cabinet meeting of the federal government in Berlin, Germany, 30 July 2025. (EPA)
German Chancellor Friedrich Merz looks on at the start of a cabinet meeting of the federal government in Berlin, Germany, 30 July 2025. (EPA)

The worsening humanitarian crisis in Gaza and Israel's plans to expand military control over the enclave have pushed Germany to curb arms exports to Israel, a historically fraught step for Berlin driven by a growing public outcry.

Conservative Chancellor Friedrich Merz, hitherto a staunchly pro-Israel leader, made the announcement on Friday arguing that Israel's actions would not achieve its stated war goals of eliminating Hamas militants or bringing Israeli hostages home.

It is a bold move for a leader who after winning elections in February said he would invite Benjamin Netanyahu to Germany in defiance of an arrest warrant against the Israeli prime minister issued by the International Criminal Court.

The shift reflects how Germany's come-what-may support for Israel, rooted in its historical guilt over the Nazi Holocaust, is being tested like never before as the high Palestinian civilian death toll in Gaza, massive war destruction and images of starving children are chipping away at decades of policy.

"It is remarkable as it is the first concrete measure of this German government. But I would not see it as a U-turn, rather a 'warning shot'," said Muriel Asseburg, a researcher at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs.

It caps months of the German government sharpening its tone over Israel's escalating military campaign in the small, densely populated Palestinian enclave, though still shying away from tougher steps that other European countries and some voices in Merz's ruling coalition were calling for.

The suspension of arms deliveries to Israel would affect just those that could be used in Gaza.

The move reflects a hardening mood in Germany, where public opinion has grown critical of Israel and more demanding that its government help ease a humanitarian disaster - most of the 2.2 million population is homeless and Gaza is a sea of rubble.

According to an ARD-DeutschlandTREND survey released on Thursday, a day before Merz's announcement, 66% of Germans want their government to put more pressure on Israel to change its behavior.

That is higher than April 2024, when some 57% of Germans believed their government should criticize Israel more strongly than before for its actions in Gaza, a Forsa poll showed.

Despite Germany helping air drop aid to Gaza, 47% of Germans think their government is doing too little for Palestinians there, against 39% who disagree with this, the ARD-DeutschlandTREND this week showed.

Most strikingly perhaps, only 31% of Germans feel they have a bigger responsibility for Israel due to their history - a core tenet of German foreign policy - while 62% do not.

Germany's political establishment has cited its approach, known as the "Staatsraison", as a special responsibility for Israel after the Nazi Holocaust, which was laid out in 2008 by then-Chancellor Angela Merkel to the Israeli parliament.

Reflecting that stance days before his most recent trip to Israel in July, Merz's Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul told Die Zeit newspaper that Berlin could not be a "neutral mediator".

"Because we are partisan. We stand with Israel," he said, echoing similar statements by other conservative figures in Merz's party.

But Merz's junior coalition partner, the Social Democrats (SPD), had already been more explicit in wanting to put sanctions against Israel on the table.

Adis Ahmetovic, an SPD foreign policy spokesperson, said suspending weapons shipments was only the first step.

"More must follow, such as a full or partial suspension of the (European Union) Association Agreement or the medical evacuation of seriously injured children, in particular," Ahmetovic told Stern magazine. "Furthermore, sanctions against Israeli ministers must no longer be taboo."

MEDIA DIVISION

The deepening divide within Germany has also played out in its media landscape.

In two major editorials published in late July, Der Spiegel magazine accused Israel of violating international humanitarian law and condemned what it said was the German government's complicity. The front cover displayed a picture of Gaza women holding out empty bowls with the headline: "A Crime".

Meanwhile Bild, the mass-market daily owned by Axel Springer, Germany's largest media group, decried the lack of outrage toward Islamist Hamas whose cross-border assault on Israeli communities triggered the war, pointing to what it saw as growing anti-Israel sentiment and one-sided protests.

Filipp Piatov, a Bild reporter whose X account is followed by Merz, accused the chancellor on Friday of doing exactly what he had criticized others for, "that Germany is cutting off support to its ally in the middle of a war."

Israel denies having a policy of starvation in Gaza, and says Hamas, which killed some 1,200 people in its October 7, 2023 attack and took 251 hostages back to Gaza, could end the crisis by surrendering.

Israel's ground and air war in Gaza has killed over 60,000 Palestinians, according to Gaza's health ministry.

Critics had argued that Germany's approach has been overly hesitant, weakening the West's collective ability to apply meaningful pressure for an end to the fighting and restrictions on humanitarian aid to the Israeli-besieged enclave.

Germany had hitherto even been cautious about a modest sanction such as supporting the partial suspension of Israel's access to the EU's flagship research funding program.

There are other reasons for Germany's reluctance to criticize Israel beyond its Nazi past, analysts say, including its strong trading relationship with Israel and the United States.

Germany is Israel's second biggest weapons supplier after the US, but also buys arms from Israel as part of a massive revamp of its armed forces since Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022. That includes the Arrow-3 missile interception system.

Last week, Israeli defense company Elbit Systems announced a $260 million deal with Airbus to equip the German Air Force’s A400M planes with directed infrared defense systems.

"German arrogance should be avoided," Volker Beck, a former member of parliament and the head of the German-Israeli Society, told Reuters.

"If Israel were to retaliate by restricting arms deliveries to Germany, the future of German air security would look grim."