Syrian Children Collect Scrap from Trash Mountain to Buy Bread

Displaced Syrian Sabaa al-Jassim, 15, and his sister sift at a landfill outside a camp in Kafr Lusin near the border with Turkey in Idlib province in northwestern Syria, on January 29, 2019. (Photo by Aaref WATAD / AFP)
Displaced Syrian Sabaa al-Jassim, 15, and his sister sift at a landfill outside a camp in Kafr Lusin near the border with Turkey in Idlib province in northwestern Syria, on January 29, 2019. (Photo by Aaref WATAD / AFP)
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Syrian Children Collect Scrap from Trash Mountain to Buy Bread

Displaced Syrian Sabaa al-Jassim, 15, and his sister sift at a landfill outside a camp in Kafr Lusin near the border with Turkey in Idlib province in northwestern Syria, on January 29, 2019. (Photo by Aaref WATAD / AFP)
Displaced Syrian Sabaa al-Jassim, 15, and his sister sift at a landfill outside a camp in Kafr Lusin near the border with Turkey in Idlib province in northwestern Syria, on January 29, 2019. (Photo by Aaref WATAD / AFP)

Outside a camp for the displaced in northwest Syria, 15-year-old Sabaa al-Jassim hacked away at a mountain of trash hoping to find scraps to sell for food, Agence France Presse said in a report.

Using a hooked metal rod, he stabbed at acrid household waste in the village of Kafr Lusin, looking for plastic to trade for a few dollars to feed his 11-member family.

"I go to the dump to support my family," said the teenager, dressed in a dark jumper and rubber boots.

"I collect two bags of plastic a day so we can buy bread," said Sabaa, who hasn't been in school for most of Syria's almost eight-year civil war.

With a sick father, an overwhelmed mother and a wounded older brother, he and three of his younger siblings are left to fend for the family's survival.

Of the three million people who live in the surrounding militant-ruled bastion of Idlib, around half have been displaced from other parts of the war-torn country.

Many depend on aid, but at the informal camp of some 50 families in Kafr Lusin, the man in charge said food baskets are few and far between.

At the dump nearby, dozens of women and children gathered around a garbage truck as it slowly tipped out its stinking contents.

With a rod, a veiled woman sifted through the fresh round of trash -- empty aluminum cans, food scraps, and sullied nappies.

With his 12-year-old sister Bahriya and nine-year-old brother Rajeh by his side, Sabaa filled up a sack.

Together with a fourth sibling, he said, they usually manage to make around 1,000 Syrian pounds (around $2) a day.

With it, "we buy bread, potatoes, vegetables, and tomatoes", he told AFP, but there's never enough for meat.

"Most people here do this."

Around them, most of the children walked around in rubber boots, and the luckiest also wore at least one thick glove. Others ploughed away with their bare hands.

Woolly dark grey sheep nuzzled through the detritus, in search of something to eat.

Back in the family tent, Sabaa's 17-year-old brother lay under a warm blanket, his wounded leg held in place by a shiny metal rod.

A stove warmed the tent made up of a patchwork of torn sacks, its chimney jutting out of the canvas and stretching towards the sky.

Sabaa's father Jassim said he hates sending off his children to work, but his family has no other way to support itself.

"When my children set off to the dump, I feel small and defeated."

But "if they didn't, we would starve", said the 53-year-old from the central province of Hama.

The UN's World Food Programme says around 6.5 million people are unable to meet their food needs in Syria, most of them internally displaced by the war.

Jassim said he cannot help his children because he is weak after a heart operation.

"If I wanted to walk 50 meters, my legs couldn't carry me," said the bearded father, wearing a red-and-white scarf on his head.

As for his wife, she has a disabled son to look after and has to make meager supplies stretch to feed and do laundry for nearly a dozen people.

"She can hardly find enough to cook or wash with," he said.

After sorting through their pickings, Sabaa and his siblings carried them over to a neighbor, who gathers the trash over a week before selling it in the nearby town of Atareb.

Murhaf Hejazi, a 25-year-old father of an infant boy, said he too trades in rubbish out of necessity.

"This trash smells disgusting and is full of diseases," he said."No one would do this if they didn't need to."

At a store in Atareb, he sells a kilo of plastic for 125 pounds (around 20 US cents).

Eventually, the plastic is recycled, he said.

"Copper fetches the most money, but here there's mostly nylon and plastic so that's what the kids bring," he said.

Of the 10 people who bring trash to his tent each day, "most are children".



Who Remains from the Symbols of October 7?

Palestinians celebrate atop an Israeli tank on the separation barrier near Khan Younis on October 7, 2023 (AP). 
Palestinians celebrate atop an Israeli tank on the separation barrier near Khan Younis on October 7, 2023 (AP). 
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Who Remains from the Symbols of October 7?

Palestinians celebrate atop an Israeli tank on the separation barrier near Khan Younis on October 7, 2023 (AP). 
Palestinians celebrate atop an Israeli tank on the separation barrier near Khan Younis on October 7, 2023 (AP). 

On October 7, 2023, Hamas-affiliated media accounts posted a video showing several of the group’s prominent leaders outside Gaza falling into a “prostration of thanks” as they watched on television the start of the unprecedented assault on Israel -- what Hamas called “Operation Al-Aqsa Flood.”

The video, recorded in a spacious office, appeared to show Hamas’s top brass monitoring an event they clearly anticipated. Figures like Ismail Haniyeh, then head of the political bureau; his deputy, Saleh al-Arouri; and senior leaders Khaled Meshaal and Khalil al-Hayya were all seen in the footage. At the time, the scene fueled speculation about whether the political leadership had prior knowledge or direct involvement in planning the attack.

Yet, according to Hamas sources who spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat, many of those in the video were unaware of the operation’s exact timing or scope. They knew the Qassam Brigades, Hamas’s military wing, were preparing a preemptive strike in response to Israeli plans for a limited military campaign -- but the leaders abroad had not been briefed on the final execution.

The sources revealed that the video was filmed in Hamas’s office in Türkiye, where leaders were preparing to travel to Iraq, part of a broader diplomatic initiative. The delegation, which had recently visited Lebanon, was set to engage with other Arab and Islamic countries, including Iran, Kuwait, and Oman, in an effort to widen Hamas’s political footprint. This diplomatic offensive was seen by some in the Palestinian Authority as an attempt to position Hamas as an alternative to the PA and the PLO --an accusation the group denied.

However, without the knowledge of most of the political wing, Hamas’s military leadership in Gaza had a different agenda -one that was kept tightly guarded and may have contributed to the operation’s initial success. In the early hours of the attack, leaders outside Gaza scrambled to contact counterparts in the Strip, asking, “What’s happening?” Some of those asked reportedly responded with confusion or claimed ignorance.

Only a small inner circle knew the full scope of the plan, and even among Gaza-based leadership, not all were informed. Some received instructions before the attack to leave their homes and relocate to secure areas.

As Israel’s war on Gaza enters its twentieth month and continues to target Hamas leaders, the question now is: who remains from the core of October 7, and who truly knew what?

While most of Hamas’s political leadership was excluded from operational details, some senior figures had given strategic backing to the idea of a preemptive strike. Khaled Meshaal, Mousa Abu Marzouk, and Mahmoud al-Zahar were among those who supported military action to derail reported Israeli assassination plans targeting Hamas figures.

The name most closely linked to the attack remains Yahya Sinwar, who headed Hamas in Gaza at the time. Though not the originator of the idea, he was the operation’s chief engineer and maintained strict control over its planning. He handpicked those who were fully briefed and sanctioned the final plan.

Following the assassination of Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran in July 2024, Sinwar was elevated to head of the political bureau -- a symbolic challenge to Israel. But just months later, in October 2024, Sinwar was killed in a surprise clash in Tel al-Sultan, western Rafah, alongside members of his inner circle.

Haniyeh, for his part, had been focused on expanding Hamas’s diplomatic reach. He had only a vague idea about the October 7 operation, believing it would be limited. He was assassinated in Tehran as well, in the same month as his successor.

Khalil al-Hayya, now leading the political bureau and negotiations, was better informed than many of his peers but not to the extent of the military planners. Ruhi Mushtaha, one of the few civilians aware of the operation’s breadth and timing, was killed in July 2024, as was Saleh al-Arouri, who was targeted earlier that year in Lebanon.

Nizar Awadallah, who left Gaza shortly before the attack, remains active in back-channel negotiations and is considered a hardline figure inside Hamas. Though largely behind the scenes, he was reportedly better informed than most on the political level.

On the military front, few names carry as much weight as Mohammed Deif, long-time commander of the Qassam Brigades. Deif, who survived numerous Israeli assassination attempts over the years, was finally killed in July 2024. Mohammed Sinwar, Yahya’s younger brother, was considered the true mastermind of the operation and played a central role in its planning and execution. He too was killed in a targeted strike in Khan Younis, alongside his brother.

Other key figures, like Marwan Issa, who had long served as Deif’s deputy, died in March 2024 after being sidelined by illness. Several brigade commanders who oversaw preparations and joint drills with other factions, including the Islamic Jihad, were also eliminated. Only one high-ranking commander, Ezzedine al-Haddad of Gaza City, is believed to still be alive. Known as “The Fox” for his ability to evade Israeli intelligence, he continues to operate underground.