Exclusive - The Kurds and the Iranian Revolution: An Endless Series of Tragedies

Iranian Kurds hold a rally in support of an independence referendum in the town of Bahirka north of Erbil in 2017. (AFP)
Iranian Kurds hold a rally in support of an independence referendum in the town of Bahirka north of Erbil in 2017. (AFP)
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Exclusive - The Kurds and the Iranian Revolution: An Endless Series of Tragedies

Iranian Kurds hold a rally in support of an independence referendum in the town of Bahirka north of Erbil in 2017. (AFP)
Iranian Kurds hold a rally in support of an independence referendum in the town of Bahirka north of Erbil in 2017. (AFP)

When Iranians rose up against the Shah rule 40 years ago many hoped that the revolution would pave the way for fair rule that would provide the oppressed people with freedom, democracy and a dignified life.

They never imagined that clerics, hiding behind their religious garb, would impose a life that is no better than death. The revolution, according to many Iranians, transformed from a glimmer of hope and salvation to an endless series of tragedies.

After four decades, the majority of the Iranians have come to realize that the revolution did away with real men and that the high hopes they harbored were dashed by the policies of the current regime. The regime abused religious edicts, or fatwas, and Khomeini’s guidance to exploit the political vacuum and chaos caused by the revolution.

Politburo member of the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (PDKI) Taimur Mustafaei said that the revolt was the fruit of the Iranian people’s struggle against the oppressive Shah regime.

“Khomeini and his officials altered its course, however, to establish a dictatorship, leaving the people in despair about ever achieving freedom, democracy and legitimate national rights,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“With time, the regime transformed the country into a large prison that is filled with terror, oppression and fear. Its failed policies have embroiled Iran in a stifling economic crisis that is weighing down on all the people,” he continued.

A vast majority of Iranians, especially Kurds, whom the regime forced out of Iran, believe that the Wilayet al-Faqih system was only good at oppression.

It is now time for change though, they said.

Mustafaei said that the PDKI realized the malicious intentions of the Khomeini regime during the early weeks of the revolution. He explained that the party had dispatched to Tehran a delegation to hold talks with the new regime figures about the Kurdish people’s rights.

These demands were met with crises and bloody clashes in liberated Kurdish regions that were incited by the regime in order to obstruct the talks, he revealed.

“Khomeini went to great lengths to harm the Kurdish people and undermine their rights. He started by creating incitement in several Kurdish cities, such as Naqadeh and Paveh, that led to the arrest of hundreds of unarmed civilians,” he remarked

“He followed this up with his notorious fatwa to his followers to wage jihad against the Kurds,” he said. “He incited them to commit massacres and mass executions against Muslim Kurds.”

“We were therefore, left with no other choice but resistance,” Mustafaei said.

The repercussions of Khomeini’s fatwa persist to this day despite the four decades that have passed. The Kurds are still victim of all forms of oppression, he stressed.

“They are treated by authorities as enemies and dozens of their youth are executed annually for the simple request of demanding their people’s rights,” he lamented.

There is hope, however, he added, saying that “all the factors needed to change the regime are now available.”

He cited the people’s anger against the regime and the protests they staged last year. He noted the regime’s failure in resolving the country’s crises, especially economic ones, as well as the world’s consensus that the regime must be removed.

The main obstacle in achieving change is the lack of a unified political opposition that shares a vision of Iran’s future in the post-Khomeini regime era, Mustafaei said.

He acknowledged that Iran has turned into a source of problems in the region and entire world. It appears that the United States is aware of this danger, but does not seem serious about toppling the regime.

Change should take place from within Iran with foreign support, he stressed. “We are ready to take part in any foreign or internal efforts to eliminate the current regime.”

“The new regime must be based on a federal democratic system otherwise the problems we are suffering from now will arise again in the future,” he warned.



In Assad's Hometown, Few Shared in His Family's Fortune. They Hope they Won't Share in His Downfall

A defaced portrait of ousted president Bashar al-Assad hangs on the wall of a building in the capital Damascus on December 17, 2024. (Photo by Sameer Al-DOUMY / AFP)
A defaced portrait of ousted president Bashar al-Assad hangs on the wall of a building in the capital Damascus on December 17, 2024. (Photo by Sameer Al-DOUMY / AFP)
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In Assad's Hometown, Few Shared in His Family's Fortune. They Hope they Won't Share in His Downfall

A defaced portrait of ousted president Bashar al-Assad hangs on the wall of a building in the capital Damascus on December 17, 2024. (Photo by Sameer Al-DOUMY / AFP)
A defaced portrait of ousted president Bashar al-Assad hangs on the wall of a building in the capital Damascus on December 17, 2024. (Photo by Sameer Al-DOUMY / AFP)

On the walls of the palatial mausoleum built to house the remains of former Syrian President Hafez Assad, vandals have sprayed variations of the phrase, “Damn your soul, Hafez.”
Nearly two weeks after the ouster of his son, Bashar Assad, people streamed in to take photos next to the burned-out hollow where the elder Assad’s grave used to be. It was torched by opposition fighters after a lightning offensive overthrew Assad's government, bringing more than a half-century rule by the Assad dynasty to an end, The Associated Press said.
The mausoleum's sprawling grounds — and the surrounding area, where the ousted president and other relatives had villas — were until recently off limits to residents of Qardaha, the former presidential dynasty's hometown in the mountains overlooking the coastal city of Latakia.
Nearby, Bashar Assad’s house was emptied by looters, who left the water taps running to flood it. At a villa belonging to three of his cousins, a father and his two young sons were removing pipes to sell the scrap metal. A gutted piano was tipped over on the floor.
While the Assads lived in luxury, most Qardaha residents — many, like Assad, members of the Alawite minority sect — survived on manual labor, low-level civil service jobs and farming to eke out a living. Many sent their sons to serve in the army, not out of loyalty to the government but because they had no other option.
“The situation was not what the rest of the Syrian society thought,” said Deeb Dayoub, an Alawite sheikh. “Everyone thought Qardaha was a city built on a marble rock and a square of aquamarine in every house," he said, referring to the trappings of wealth enjoyed by Assad's family.
In the city’s main street, a modest strip of small grocery stores and clothing shops, Ali Youssef, stood next to a coffee cart, gesturing with disdain. “This street is the best market and the best street in Qardaha and it’s full of potholes.”
Families resorted to eating bread dipped in oil and salt because they could not afford meat or vegetables, he said. Youssef said he dodged mandatory military service for two years, but eventually was forced to go.
“Our salary was 300,000 Syrian pounds,” a month, he said — just over $20. “We used to send it to our families to pay the rent or live and eat with it" while working jobs on the side to cover their own expenses.
"Very few people benefited from the former deposed regime,” Youssef said.
So far, residents said, the security forces made up of fighters from Hayat Tahrir al-Sham — the main group in the coalition that unseated Assad, and which is now ruling the country — have been respectful toward them.
“The security situation is fine so far, it’s acceptable, no major issues,” said Mariam al-Ali, who was in the market with her daughter. “There were a few abuses ... but it was fixed.” She did not elaborate, but others said there had been scattered incidents of robberies and looting or threats and insults.
Al-Ali called Assad a “traitor,” but she remained circumspect about her Alawite community's position in the new Syria.
“The most important thing is that there should be no sectarianism, so there will be no more blood spilled,” she said.
Dayoub, the Alawite sheikh, described “a state of anticipation and caution among all citizens in this area, and in general among Alawites,” although he said fears have started to ease.
At the town’s municipal building, dozens of notables sat on bleachers discussing the country' s new reality and what they hoped to convey to the new leadership.
Much was centered around economic woes — retired public servants' salaries had not been paid, the price of fuel had risen, there was no public transportation in the area.
But others had larger concerns.
“We hope that in the next government or the new Syria, we will have rights and duties like any Syrian citizen — we are not asking for any more or less,” said Jaafar Ahmed, a doctoral student and community activist. “We don’t accept the curtailment of our rights because the regime was part of this component.”
Questions also loomed about the fate of the area's sons who had served in Assad's army.
Since the army's collapse in the face of the opposition advance, residents said several thousand young army recruits from Qardaha have gone missing. Some later turned up on lists of former soldiers being held at a detention center in Hama.
“These are young guys who are 22 or 23 and they never took part" in active combat, said Qais Ibrahim, whose nephews were among the missing. Over the past few years, active combat was largely frozen in the country's civil war. “We send our children to the army because we don’t have any other source of income.”
Um Jaafar, who gave only her nickname out of fear of reprisals, said the family had no information about the fate of her two sons, stationed with the army in Raqqa and Deir Ezzour, though one son's name later turned up on the list of those imprisoned in Hama.
“My children got the best grades in school, but I didn’t have the ability to send them to the university,” she said. “They went to the army just for a salary that was barely enough to cover their transportation costs.”
Syria's new authorities have set up “reconciliation centers” around the country where former soldiers can register, hand over their weapons and receive a “reconciliation ID” allowing them to move freely and safely in Syria for three months.
But Ahmed, the doctoral student, said he wants more. As the country attempts to unify and move on after nearly 14 years of civil war, he said, “We want either forgiveness for all or accountability for all.”
Ahmed acknowledged that during the war, “rural Latakia was responsible for some radical groups,” referring to pro-Assad militias accused of widespread abuses against civilians. But, he said, opposition groups also committed abuses.
“We hope that there will be either an open process of reconciliation ... or transitional justice in which all will be held accountable for their mistakes, from all parties," he said.
"We can’t talk about holding accountable one ... group but not another.”