Syria: Aleppo's Bathhouse Back to Life


Hammam al-Nahasin bath house photographed on 6 October 2010 and 13 December 2016. - Khalil Ashawi/Omar Sanadiki/Reuters
Hammam al-Nahasin bath house photographed on 6 October 2010 and 13 December 2016. - Khalil Ashawi/Omar Sanadiki/Reuters
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Syria: Aleppo's Bathhouse Back to Life


Hammam al-Nahasin bath house photographed on 6 October 2010 and 13 December 2016. - Khalil Ashawi/Omar Sanadiki/Reuters
Hammam al-Nahasin bath house photographed on 6 October 2010 and 13 December 2016. - Khalil Ashawi/Omar Sanadiki/Reuters

Swaddled in white towels, the Mansour and Wafai families sat in an arched alcove of Aleppo's Bab al-Ahmar public bathhouse, reviving their once-weekly tradition after years of war in Syria.

With steamy stone rooms, masseurs and traditional singers, the bathhouses have been a staple of Aleppo life for centuries. But located in the battle zone of the Old City, most had to close. Fighting in Aleppo ended in late 2016 although it goes on elsewhere in Syria and four of the city's 50 or so bathhouses have now reopened. They are drawing back some old customers - and new ones too young to remember life before the war, Reuters reported.

Omar Mansour, 37, and his brother-in-law Malek Wafai, 36, used to bathe every Thursday night. This was their first visit back - and the first time for their sons, Jihad, 13, Laithullah, 11, Mohammed Nour, 10 and Yazan, 5.

"We hope we will be coming every Thursday again now that it's open," said Mansour, a taxi-driver. The children nodded enthusiastic agreement.

They were in the high, domed reception room, sitting in one of several alcoves with stone benches set into each wall above the sunken floor and its octagonal fountain. Customers disrobe in this room, wrapping themselves in a towel before entering the inner part of the bathhouse, a warm, wet labyrinth of arches, domed chambers and vaulted passageways that lead, finally, to a cool pool misted with steam.

Inside, according to Reuters, five men were sitting in swimming trunks in a small chamber around a tray laden with local specialities: spicy raw meat with bulgur wheat and fluffy bread with cheese. In another chamber, a raucous young group were singing bawdy wedding songs, banging time on plastic bowls and splashing each other with water.

Steam, Soap and Hot Water

Evenings at the bathhouse are for men, daytime hours for women. Bathers lather themselves with Aleppo soap made of olives and bay leaf before rinsing from bowls of hot water drawn from large stone basins in the washing chambers.

An old attendant gave exfoliating rubs, turning bathers one way then another as he worked a coarse glove over their bodies before dousing them in scorching water, blushing the skin. Later, another attendant whirled towels around bathers with the flourish of a dervish, wrapping the waist, shoulders and head in smooth white cloth before they returned to the entrance area.

War-ruined bathhouses are dotted around Aleppo's Old City, their distinctive domes, punched like colanders with round apertures of coloured glass, lying smashed, or looking down on rooms filled with rubble and garbage. At times during Syria's war, shortages of water, heating fuel and electricity reportedly drove people to the Damascus public bathhouses, but none of the customers at Bab al-Ahmar baths said this was their reason for attending.

Reuters reported Thaer Khairullah, who owns the bathhouse, as saying that he had only reopened it in December after four months of renovations. There were only about a quarter of the customers that came before the war, he said, because so many people had fled the city.

"On Thursday evenings before the Friday weekend it was so crowded that you could find no empty space," he said, looking around at the bare stone benches in some alcoves.

Behind him, a traditional singer, an elderly man wearing a fez and a gauzy, black, gold-trimmed cloak over his suit, was plucking at a zither-like stringed instrument. Drying in their towels to one side, Aleppo University medical students Mansour Salim, 24, and Ahmad Faqas, 25, listened to the music, drank tea, ran their fingers through their fashionably luxuriant beards and smoked cigarettes.

Faqas came weekly to the baths before the war, brought from childhood by his father, and said he was glad to be back.

Salim, brought for the first time by his friend, said he enjoyed the experience. As for the traditional music, Salim told Reuters he preferred Lady Gaga, while Faqas liked country and western.



Conflicting Visions for Gaza’s ‘Day After’ Amid a Complex Reality

Palestinians bid farewell to a relative killed in an Israeli airstrike outside the Indonesian Hospital in Beit Lahia, northern Gaza Strip, on Saturday (AFP)
Palestinians bid farewell to a relative killed in an Israeli airstrike outside the Indonesian Hospital in Beit Lahia, northern Gaza Strip, on Saturday (AFP)
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Conflicting Visions for Gaza’s ‘Day After’ Amid a Complex Reality

Palestinians bid farewell to a relative killed in an Israeli airstrike outside the Indonesian Hospital in Beit Lahia, northern Gaza Strip, on Saturday (AFP)
Palestinians bid farewell to a relative killed in an Israeli airstrike outside the Indonesian Hospital in Beit Lahia, northern Gaza Strip, on Saturday (AFP)

As discussions over the future of Gaza continue, the conflicting visions among key players make reaching a consensus increasingly difficult. The phrase “it’s complicated,” used by US envoy to the Middle East Steve Witkoff to justify Israel’s continuation of the war, summarizes the deep divisions among stakeholders.

Since the October 7, 2023, Hamas attack on Israel, followed by Israel’s devastating war on Gaza, international efforts to define the “day after” scenario have remained unresolved.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu refuses to allow either the Palestinian Authority (PA) or Hamas to govern Gaza. Meanwhile, former US President Donald Trump envisions turning Gaza into the “Riviera of the Middle East”—without the PA, Hamas, or even Palestinians themselves. Arab states are considering an independent committee to manage Gaza, while the PA insists on taking sole control. Hamas, on the other hand, has proposed a support committee to oversee governance. The result is a landscape where no party shares a unified vision for post-war Gaza.

A senior Palestinian official emphasized that the PA and Arab states are relying on the US to take a firm stance and impose a solution on Israel. “There is no agreement yet. The issue must still be settled,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat. The official stressed that a binding US position, along with Arab and international support, is necessary for any effective governance plan.

While Trump and Netanyahu have outlined different visions for Gaza, behind the scenes, the US is engaged in discussions about post-war governance. Yet, Netanyahu has repeatedly avoided addressing this issue, preferring to focus on military operations. Israeli writer Avi Shilon argued in Yedioth Ahronoth that Netanyahu is prolonging the war to evade making a tough decision about Gaza’s future.

Both Witkoff and Shilon believe Hamas intends to maintain its presence in Gaza. While Witkoff insists that Hamas’ continued rule is unacceptable to Trump’s administration, he hinted that the group could participate politically if it disarms.

Witkoff also suggested that negotiations might provide a path forward, arguing that Hamas is not as ideologically rigid as some claim.

This approach aligns with US efforts to engage Hamas indirectly, recognizing that Israel has been unable to decisively eliminate the group. Shilon noted that Israel’s demand to end Hamas’ rule is justified in principle but impractical in reality.

“Israel cannot force Hamas to surrender. A group willing to sacrifice tens of thousands of its people and endure Gaza’s destruction has no incentive to return hostages if all we offer is their removal from power,” he wrote, adding that the US has come to the same realization.

Hamas responded swiftly to Witkoff’s remarks, with spokesperson Abdel Latif al-Qanoua stating that some of these proposals are under discussion with mediators. He affirmed that Hamas is open to governance arrangements in Gaza, provided they have broad consensus. “We approved the formation of a societal support committee in Gaza that does not include Hamas. We have no ambitions to govern Gaza; what matters to us is national consensus, and we are committed to its outcomes,” he said.

Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdel Aty previously outlined a comprehensive reconstruction plan for Gaza, including training Palestinian security forces in Egypt and Jordan before their deployment to the Strip. A Hamas official confirmed to Asharq Al-Awsat that the group genuinely does not seek to govern Gaza, but it insists that governance arrangements be Palestinian-led, without US or Israeli dictates. “Our weapons are not up for discussion unless it leads to a Palestinian state,” the official emphasized.

The PA and Fatah have also entered the debate, calling on Hamas to relinquish control of Gaza. Fatah spokesperson Munther al-Hayek urged Hamas to step aside, warning that the upcoming period could be “even more severe” for Gaza’s civilians.

A lingering question remains: Will the October 7 attack ultimately bring Palestinians closer to statehood, or will it destroy their aspirations?

Thirty-two years after the Oslo Accords—when US sponsorship, international backing, and a strong PA seemed to pave the way for peace—Israel’s refusal to conclude negotiations has kept Palestinians in a cycle of talks, conflicts, and political paralysis. Over time, Israel’s approach has weakened the PA and, whether intentionally or not, bolstered Hamas’ influence—leading to the devastating events of October 7.

As the region contemplates Gaza’s future, the unresolved question remains: What lessons have Washington and Tel Aviv learned, and what do they truly want?