Members of Sudanese ‘Sovereign Council’

  Sudanese civilians wave their national flags during celebrations of the signing of Sudan's power-sharing deal in Khartoum, Sudan, August 17, 2019. REUTERS/Mohamed Nureldin Abdallah
Sudanese civilians wave their national flags during celebrations of the signing of Sudan's power-sharing deal in Khartoum, Sudan, August 17, 2019. REUTERS/Mohamed Nureldin Abdallah
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Members of Sudanese ‘Sovereign Council’

  Sudanese civilians wave their national flags during celebrations of the signing of Sudan's power-sharing deal in Khartoum, Sudan, August 17, 2019. REUTERS/Mohamed Nureldin Abdallah
Sudanese civilians wave their national flags during celebrations of the signing of Sudan's power-sharing deal in Khartoum, Sudan, August 17, 2019. REUTERS/Mohamed Nureldin Abdallah

After a 12-hour meeting and under increasing popular pressures, leaders of the Forces of the Freedom and Change (FFC) agreed on the six candidates list at the sovereignty council. The council would run the country during the transitional phase of three years and three months.

Muhammad Hassan Taayashi, residing in the UK and candidate of Sudanese Professionals Association, returned to the candidates’ list at the council after he was dismissed earlier – his dismissal sparked a debate over social media.

He was joined by Prof. Siddique Taur, Legal Expert Hassan Mohammed Sheikh Idris, Journalist Mohamed Elfaki Soliman, Dr. Aisha Musa al-Saeed and Legal Counsel Rajaa Nicolas Issa Abdul Masih.

Muhammad Hassan Taayashi

Born in 1973 in Rihed Al Birdi, Darfur, he received his high-school education at Buram then at the University of Khartoum. He joined students of National Umma Party and appeared as an experienced politician. Taayashi left the party in 2009 and moved to the UK, directing his work to the civil sector especially conflicts and wars resolution.

Rajaa Nicolas Issa Abdul Masih

The Transitional Military Council and the FFC agreed on Rajaa Nicolas Issa Abdul Masih as the 11th figure at the council. She is a Christian born in Omdurman, where she received her primary education.

Rajaa received a bachelor in law from Cairo University in 1980, and was appointed at the Ministry of Justice then promoted to become a legal counsel at the ministry.

Dr. Aisha Musa al-Saeed

Born in El-Obeid, north of Kurdufan, Aisha received Education Certificate from Teacher Training Institute in Omdurman and a Masters from the University of Manchester, a higher diploma from Leeds University and Training Teachers to Teach Languages Certificate from the US.

Journalist Mohamed Elfaki Soliman

He politically belongs to the Unionist Alliance, one of the main factions that participated in the popular movement. Elfaki is the youngest at the council, born in 1979. He studied political sciences at the University of Khartoum.

Legal Expert Hassan Mohammed Sheikh Idris

He is from Kassala, east of Sudan, and graduated from the Faculty of Law at the University of Khartoum in 1972. Then he got involved in state institutions.

Prof. Siddique Taur

He was chosen by the FFC as a member at the sovereign council, and is known for belonging to the Arab Socialist Baath Party.



Uncertain Future for the PFLP-GC in Post-Assad Syria

Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Damascus on April 18 (AP) 
Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Damascus on April 18 (AP) 
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Uncertain Future for the PFLP-GC in Post-Assad Syria

Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Damascus on April 18 (AP) 
Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Damascus on April 18 (AP) 

The brief detention of Talal Naji, Secretary-General of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command (PFLP-GC), by Syrian authorities has renewed scrutiny over the status of Palestinian factions still operating in Syria, particularly those that aligned with the former Assad regime.

Naji’s arrest and swift release come amid a major political realignment following the collapse of Bashar al-Assad’s government in December 2024. Once one of the most active and heavily armed Palestinian groups in Syria, the PFLP-GC now faces an uncertain future, along with other factions that were long tolerated—or even supported—under Assad’s rule.

A well-informed Palestinian source, speaking on condition of anonymity, told Asharq Al-Awsat that the new Syrian administration has appointed a figure known as Abu Abdul Rahman al-Shami to oversee the file of Palestinian factions. Since assuming the role, al-Shami has convened multiple meetings with faction representatives, including regular attendees from the PFLP-GC, to discuss the fate of their fighters, weapons, property, and military infrastructure.

According to the source, al-Shami has made it clear that the new government intends to hold accountable any individuals or groups implicated in crimes against Syrian civilians during the civil war. Palestinian factions have been instructed to surrender all weapons and military equipment, and to limit their activities to humanitarian and relief work. The PFLP-GC, the source said, has largely complied.

Despite the fall of the Assad regime, Naji and much of the PFLP-GC’s second- and third-tier leadership have remained in Syria. Its offices in Damascus reportedly continue to operate, though under heightened scrutiny. Other faction leaders, however, have fled. Among them are Khaled Abdul Majid (Popular Struggle Front), Ziyad al-Saghir (Fatah–Intifada), Mohammad al-Saeed (Liwa al-Quds), and Saed Abdel Al (Free Palestine Movement). Most are believed to have sought refuge in Lebanon.

Sources confirmed that several PFLP-GC fighters have been detained in recent weeks in connection with alleged war crimes committed during their cooperation with Assad’s forces. The Syrian government has also moved to seize faction offices and military installations across the country, including properties belonging to Fatah–Intifada, the Free Palestine Movement, and the Sa’iqa Forces. Sa’iqa’s leader, Mohammad Qais, remains in Syria.

In a further blow, authorities have reportedly frozen bank accounts belonging to some Palestinian factions, both in state and private banks, although it remains unclear whether the PFLP-GC is among them.

Additionally, it is widely believed that the PFLP-GC has handed over its military training camps, which were previously spread across Damascus countryside, Daraa, Aleppo, and Suwayda. “The situation is extremely sensitive, and everyone is anxious,” one Palestinian source told Asharq Al-Awsat. “It’s likely they’ve surrendered those sites.”

The sense of unease deepened last month when Syrian authorities detained two senior Islamic Jihad officials in Damascus: Khaled Khaled, head of the group’s Syria bureau, and Abu Ali Yasser, its chief organizational officer. Both remain in custody, and no official charges have been announced.

The current atmosphere of fear and uncertainty has driven faction leaders to avoid public comment. Most now insist on anonymity when speaking to local or international media.

Before the outbreak of the Syrian uprising in March 2011, Syria hosted more than a dozen Palestinian factions. As the conflict escalated, the Assad regime encouraged the formation of new pro-regime groups, composed largely of Palestinian refugees, to fight alongside its forces.