The Iraqi Displaced No One Wants

Around 1.6 million Iraqis remain displaced two years after the country declared the ISIS group defeated | AFP
Around 1.6 million Iraqis remain displaced two years after the country declared the ISIS group defeated | AFP
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The Iraqi Displaced No One Wants

Around 1.6 million Iraqis remain displaced two years after the country declared the ISIS group defeated | AFP
Around 1.6 million Iraqis remain displaced two years after the country declared the ISIS group defeated | AFP

Accused of links with the ISIS group, hundreds of Iraqi families have been evicted from displacement camps only to find their hometowns and tribes angrily refusing their return.

Left in limbo, they represent the complex legacy of the ISIS sweep across Iraq, which is keen to move on two years after ousting the jihadists but apparently unable to reconcile its traumatized communities.

In Samarra, a tribal area north of Baghdad, Sheikh Adnan al-Bazzi said there is "no way" ISIS-affiliated families would be allowed back to their areas of origin.

"The tribes, the families of those killed or wounded, those who lost their homes or were displaced, who have nothing -- they can't accept the relatives of IS," said Bazzi.

ISIS killed one of his brothers, an uncle and a cousin and Bazzi himself was wounded when the militants blew up his home, not once but twice.

And the threat isn't over, he told AFP.

With IS sleeper cells still conducting hit-and-run attacks in the desert territory around Samarra, Bazzi said that resettling families with alleged IS ties could prove dangerous.

"There are terrorists still attacking military patrols, so how can you bring their families back?" he said, dressed in the traditional white robe and headdress of Iraq's powerful clans.

- Grenade attacks -

Tribes wield considerable influence in Iraq, where they often disregard government institutions to resolve disputes based on close-knitted traditions and religious custom.

When ISIS rampaged across Iraq in 2014, the family clans that make up the tribes had to choose sides: some backing the jihadists while others took up arms alongside government forces to fight them.

The war against the militants forced tens of thousands of people to flee their homes and move into displacement camps, including in the northern Nineveh province where ISIS had its bastion.

Two years after Iraq declared ISIS defeated, the government is determined to shut down displacement camps across the country which are home to around 1.6 million Iraqis.

In August, authorities bussed more than 2,000 displaced from camps to their home provinces of Salaheddin, Anbar, and Kirkuk, sparking concern from the United Nations and rights groups.

The UN said the returns could put families in danger and rights watchdogs said the transfers are at best poorly coordinated or forced, and at worst expose returnees to threats of violence in their home communities.

Earlier this month, three hand grenades were thrown into the Basateen camp in Salaheddin province, a day after the arrival of 150 displaced families from Nineveh.

The following day it was hit by two more grenades.

And on Sunday armed men wounded two soldiers guarding the camp, a security official said.

Protests have also erupted outside camps against the government's bid to return displaced families to their homes, and in one case when families were transferred to their hometown of Haditha in Anbar it turned ugly.

"It was clear from the moment they arrived there that they were at risk of being killed," said Belkis Wille, Iraq researcher at Human Rights Watch.

"Police then took them to a school about three kilometers (two miles) away from Haditha and there was a grenade attack on them there," she said.

- Families stuck in 'purgatory' -

HRW has urged authorities to allow displaced Iraqis to make their own decisions on returning home and not to "collectively punish" alleged ISIS-linked families.

"This system has put these families in a purgatory that prevents them from returning home, imprisons them in camps, and forces them to endure dire conditions that portend bleak futures for their children," said Wille.

According to ISIS expert Hisham al-Hashemi, around 371,000 displaced are believed to have ties to the jihadist group and less than half will probably be unable to return home "due to local and tribal rejection".

"No one can stop tribal vengeance. The state can't post a cop at every family's door to protect them," Hashemi said.

In some regions, however, women who have denounced ISIS-affiliated husbands have been able to reconcile with their tribes and return home.

But for some displaced, returning home is simply not an option no matter how hard they try to deny any links to ISIS.

Such is the case of Umm Haydar, 41, who fled her hometown of Ishaqi south of Samarra in 2015 with her children after ISIS militants abducted her husband.

"When we say we want to go back home, they tell us that we're ISIS and that they don't want us back," she told AFP.

Umm Haydar lives in an abandoned school and says she is running low on money to feed her four children.

"I can't sign them up for school or obtain any official documents. Each time they tell me 'you're displaced.'"



What Role Did the ‘Mossad-Tehran Branch’ Play in Operation Rising Lion?

People gather near a damaged building, in the aftermath of Israeli strikes, in Tehran, Iran, June 13, 2025. Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via REUTERS
People gather near a damaged building, in the aftermath of Israeli strikes, in Tehran, Iran, June 13, 2025. Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via REUTERS
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What Role Did the ‘Mossad-Tehran Branch’ Play in Operation Rising Lion?

People gather near a damaged building, in the aftermath of Israeli strikes, in Tehran, Iran, June 13, 2025. Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via REUTERS
People gather near a damaged building, in the aftermath of Israeli strikes, in Tehran, Iran, June 13, 2025. Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via REUTERS

Just hours after launching its military operation “Rising Lion” against Iran, Israel revealed an extensive and long-standing intelligence campaign conducted by its spy agency Mossad deep inside Iranian territory, especially in the capital, where it reportedly established a covert branch.

According to an Israeli security source on Friday, Mossad special units carried out a series of covert operations inside Iran in the lead-up to the strikes. These included deploying precision-guided weapons near surface-to-air missile sites, using advanced technology to disrupt Iranian air defenses, and establishing a drone launch base close to Tehran.

The source said Friday’s operation was a joint effort between the Israeli military, Mossad, and the country’s defense industry, built on years of meticulous planning and intelligence-gathering. Israeli media, including Yedioth Ahronoth, reported that Mossad had established the drone base long before the strike, with explosive-laden UAVs later launched toward Iranian missile sites.

The attack reflects Israel’s broader, long-term strategy toward Iran, built on the combined efforts of its military and intelligence services. While Iran has maintained that the strikes were conducted entirely from outside the country, seeking to avoid acknowledging serious internal security breaches, Israel insists that Mossad played a decisive role on the ground.

The agency is credited with assassinations of IRGC and Iranian military figures, data collection on nuclear scientists, and compiling a high-value target list.

An Israeli security source claimed Mossad established a “branch” inside Tehran, planting surveillance devices across dozens of locations and even executing sabotage operations near nuclear facilities and missile launch sites.

While some analysts view these claims as psychological warfare or propaganda, evidence from past operations suggests a degree of credibility. Over the years, Israel has conducted bold, complex missions inside Iran that appear too sophisticated to have originated solely from outside.

Mossad’s activity in Iran dates back years but intensified significantly in the last two. According to Israeli sources, the agency effectively set up a wide-reaching operational base inside Iran, complete with advanced equipment and transport assets.

Mossad has been linked to the assassinations of at least four Iranian nuclear scientists: Masoud Alimohammadi, Majid Shahriari, Darioush Rezaeinejad, and Mostafa Ahmadi Roshan - between 2010 and 2012 - most of them killed using magnetic bombs in central Tehran. In 2020, top nuclear scientist Mohsen Fakhrizadeh was assassinated in an ambush attributed to a Mossad unit.

The most high-profile operation came in 2018, when Mossad agents reportedly stole Iran’s nuclear archive, including 50,000 documents and 163 CDs, from a Tehran warehouse in a seven-hour raid. According to former Mossad chief Yossi Cohen, who oversaw the mission, the 20-member team (none of whom were Israeli nationals) operated inside Iran for two years before executing the mission undetected.

Though Iranian officials initially dismissed the scale of the operation, they later claimed to have arrested “all the terrorists” who helped Mossad, blaming opposition groups like the MEK. However, Israel insists it relied not on political dissidents, but on individuals disillusioned with the regime, mercenaries, and Western intelligence support.

A retired Mossad officer, known only as Brig. Gen. “A”, told the right-wing Israeli group The Guardians that Iran’s internal repression and isolation have left it vulnerable. He stressed the close cooperation between Mossad, Israeli military intelligence, and the defense industry in preparing for the confrontation with Iran.

Operation “Rising Lion,” launched this week, included direct strikes on neighborhoods housing top IRGC commanders in Tehran. Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant described it as a “preemptive strike,” following warnings from US President Donald Trump about an imminent Israeli military operation targeting Iran’s nuclear infrastructure.