In Lebanon's Tripoli, Crushing Poverty Fuels Protests

Lebanese anti-government demonstrators wave flags and shout slogans during a demonstration in Tripoli's al-Nour Square. (AFP)
Lebanese anti-government demonstrators wave flags and shout slogans during a demonstration in Tripoli's al-Nour Square. (AFP)
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In Lebanon's Tripoli, Crushing Poverty Fuels Protests

Lebanese anti-government demonstrators wave flags and shout slogans during a demonstration in Tripoli's al-Nour Square. (AFP)
Lebanese anti-government demonstrators wave flags and shout slogans during a demonstration in Tripoli's al-Nour Square. (AFP)

In a dusty alley streaked with sewage in Lebanon's northern port city of Tripoli, Fatima, her husband and 11 children live crippled by debt and wondering where their next meal is coming from.

"We're a poor people here in Tripoli," said the 38-year-old mother, in the city that has taken center stage in Lebanon's ongoing protests denouncing official corruption and inequality.

Fresh laundry hangs outside her two-room breeze-block dwelling, its corrugated iron roof held in place by the weight of a few old car tires.

"There have been days in the past week when my children haven't had breakfast -- and my little one’s milk -- before five o'clock in the evening," said Fatima, whose youngest is just two and a half years old.

Her husband sells fish from a cart for a living, and Fatima sometimes helps out with special orders to cook up the fresh catch, said AFP.

But sales have been few and far between since the unprecedented demonstrations erupted nationwide last month, demanding a complete overhaul of the political system.

Tripoli has been a hotspot of the anti-government protests and become known as "the bride of the revolution" for its festive night-time rallies.

In the beginning Fatima took part, but soon the bus fare to the city's main square became too much.

"I stopped going, to spend the money instead on bread and milk for my children," she said.

More than half of Tripoli's population live at or below the poverty line, the United Nations says, and more than a quarter live in extreme poverty.

Fatima's family are struggling to pay the bills and already up to $5,000 in debt.

Her 17-year-old son has left school so he can help provide for the family, and so has her 15-year-old daughter, who must now look after her siblings.

The mother fears her other children may soon have to drop out too, because she can't afford the $100 a month for the school bus.

Life 'sweeping stairs'

In a city whose political leaders are among the richest in the nation, Fatima is terrified her children will grow up to a life "sweeping stairs and peddling chewing gum".

Forbes magazine this year listed former prime minister Najib Mikati and his brother, who both hail from the city, as being worth $2.5 billion.

But in Fatima's neighborhood, dozens of families live in tiny homes without even a connection to the main sewage system.

Instead, they have dug small cesspits they cannot afford to empty, and whose foul-smelling contents often leak out into the alleyways or even inside their homes.

One woman, aged in her 50s, has placed cement blocks outside her front door to try to protect her 10-year-old autistic son from the wastewater and rats outside.

"If a political leader's dog gets sick, they rush it off to private hospital, but we can't even treat our children," she said, as around her the scent of fried food mixed with the stench of a blocked toilet.

"They come and see us during elections, and then they forget all about us afterwards," she said, preferring not to give her name.

'Kiss 100 hands'

Not far off, Jamal Shaaban said he had resorted to collecting scrap metal to earn money and feed his seven children, and despaired as to how he would ever find them employment.

Without personal connections, "I can't find my kids jobs even as porters" in the city's neglected port, said the 40-year-old, wearing a black cap and sunglasses.

"I need to kiss a hundred hands -- even for a job as a rubbish collector," he said angrily.

Tripoli is now known as a protest center, but from 2007 to 2014 it was infamous for deadly shootouts and bombings.

With school dropout rates and unemployment high in its poorer districts, many young residents have joined armed groups in exchange for a little financial support.

They have also been easy recruits for extremist groups.

"What other future do they expect for a generation brought up in a neighborhood like this?" Shaaban said.

"Some people take a wrong turn. But who's to blame -- us or the living conditions?"

Several kilometers (miles) away, in a neighborhood pockmarked with bullets holes, Amina Abdallah Sweid said she was struggling to feed her five children after their father was killed in the clashes.

In the past few days, she said they had been living off a single bag of potatoes donated by a relative and some bread from the neighbors.

Her children sometimes collect scrap metal to sell, but even on a good day that only fetches around six dollars.

That means, she said, that "there's nothing left for us to do but beg".



What Has Assad’s Fall Revealed about the Captagon Drug Trade in Syria?

 A Syrian member of the opposition shows amphetamine pills known as Captagon hidden inside an electrical component at a warehouse where the drug was manufactured before the fall of Bashar al-Assad's government at a facility in Douma city, outskirts of Damascus, Syria, Friday, Dec. 13, 2024. (AP)
A Syrian member of the opposition shows amphetamine pills known as Captagon hidden inside an electrical component at a warehouse where the drug was manufactured before the fall of Bashar al-Assad's government at a facility in Douma city, outskirts of Damascus, Syria, Friday, Dec. 13, 2024. (AP)
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What Has Assad’s Fall Revealed about the Captagon Drug Trade in Syria?

 A Syrian member of the opposition shows amphetamine pills known as Captagon hidden inside an electrical component at a warehouse where the drug was manufactured before the fall of Bashar al-Assad's government at a facility in Douma city, outskirts of Damascus, Syria, Friday, Dec. 13, 2024. (AP)
A Syrian member of the opposition shows amphetamine pills known as Captagon hidden inside an electrical component at a warehouse where the drug was manufactured before the fall of Bashar al-Assad's government at a facility in Douma city, outskirts of Damascus, Syria, Friday, Dec. 13, 2024. (AP)

Since the fall of former Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, industrial-scale manufacturing facilities of Captagon have been uncovered around the country, which experts say helped flourish a $10 billion annual global trade in the highly addictive drug.

Among the locations used for manufacturing the drug were the Mazzeh air base in Damascus, a car-trading company in Latakia and a former potato chips factory on the outskirts of Damascus.

The factory that once produced the crunchy snack in the suburb of Douma under the name, Captain Corn, was seized by government forces in 2018.

"Assad’s collaborators controlled this place. After the regime fell... I came here and found it on fire," Firas al-Toot, the original owner of the factory, told The Associated Press. "They came at night and lit the drugs on fire but couldn’t burn everything."

"From here, Captagon pills emerged to kill our people," said Abu Zihab, an activist with Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, the main group now ruling the country, as his group gave access to journalists to the site.

Syria's nearly 14-year-old civil war fragmented the country, crumbled the economy and created fertile ground for the production of the drug. Militias, warlords and the Assad government transformed Captagon from a small-scale operation run by small criminal groups into a billion-dollar industrial revenue stream.

The recent ousting of Assad has disrupted these networks and has given a closer look at its operations — revealing the workings of a war economy that sustained Assad’s power over Syria. Experts say the change in Syria might create an opportunity to dismantle the Captagon industry.

How did Syria build its Captagon empire?

Captagon was first developed in Germany in the 1960s as a prescription stimulant for conditions like narcolepsy. It was later outlawed due to heart issues and its addictive properties.

Its amphetamine-like effects made it popular in the Middle East among both elites and fighters, as it enhanced focus and reduced fatigue.

Assad's government recognized an opportunity in the cheaply manufactured drug amid Syria’s economic turmoil and the heavy sanctions imposed on it.

Captagon is produced through a simple chemical process that involves mixing amphetamine derivatives with excipients to form tablets, typically in makeshift labs.

The Captagon trade began industrializing around 2018-2019 as the Assad regime — and other armed groups in Syria -- invested in production facilities, warehouses and trafficking networks. This allowed Syria to emerge as the largest producer of Captagon globally, with some production also occurring in Lebanon.

Most seized consignments of Captagon originated from Syria, according to data by the New Lines Captagon Trade Project, an initiative of the New Lines Institute think tank.

Evidence of the Assad regime’s sponsorship of the Captagon industry is overwhelming, the report published in May said. The Security Office of the 4th Armored Division of the Syrian Arab Army, headed by Bashar al-Assad’s brother Maher oversaw operations and created a coordinated production system, the report added.

Where and how was Captagon smuggled?

Captagon was smuggled across the border using various methods, hiding Captagon in trucks, cargo shipments and goods. Some shipments are concealed in food, electronics and construction materials to evade detection.

The primary smuggling routes were Syria’s porous borders with Lebanon, Jordan and Iraq, from which the drug is distributed throughout the region. Some were also shipped from Latakia port.

In Lebanon, the Captagon trade has flourished, particularly near the Syrian border and in the Bekaa Valley. Lebanese authorities struggled to curb the flow of Captagon from Syria, which analysts say was facilitated by the Hezbollah group, a key Assad ally.

Following the discovery of crates of fruit meticulously packed with bundles of the drug hidden among pomegranates and oranges, Saudi Arabia and the UAE implemented bans on Lebanese agricultural products.

Captagon has also found its way into international markets, reaching as far as Southeast Asia and parts of Europe.

How much revenue did it produce for the Assad regime?

The annual global trade in Captagon has an estimated value of $10 billion, with the ousted Assad family's annual profit reaching around $2.4 billion, according to Caroline Rose, director of the New York-based New Lines Institute Captagon Trade Project.

"Seeing the uncovering of so many industrial-scale facilities affiliated with the regime was shocking but not surprising. There was extensive evidence linking key regime-aligned cronies and Assad family members to the trade," said Rose, whose organization tracks all publicly recorded Captagon seizures and lab raids. The discovery of the facilities, she said, confirmed "the concrete relationship between Captagon and the former regime."

The exact number of factories in Syria remains unclear, but experts and HTS members estimate that there are likely hundreds spread throughout the country.

The future of Captagon in post-Assad Syria

Assad has turned Syria into "the largest Captagon factory in the world," HTS leader Ahmad al-Sharaa stated in a victory speech at Damascus’s Umayyad Mosque on Dec. 8. "Today, Syria is being cleansed, thanks to the grace of Almighty God."

While Assad and his circle may have been the primary beneficiaries, there is also evidence that Syrian opposition groups were involved in drug smuggling, opposition groups, local militias and organized crime networks manufactured and smuggled the drug to finance their operations, analysts say.

"Likely, we will see a short-term supply reduction in the trade, with a decline in the size and frequency of seizures as industrial-scale production is largely halted. However, criminal actors are innovative, likely seeking out new locations to engage in production and smuggling, particularly as demand levels remain stable," Rose said.

They may also "seek out alternative illicit trades to engage in instead," she said.

In addition to dismantling the Captagon trade, the country's transitional government should "establish programs for economic development that will incentivize Syrians to participate in the country’s formal, licit economic sphere," Rose said.