Habib Jemli, Tunisia’s PM-Designate… A Technocrat With Two Priorities

Habib Jemli, Tunisia’s PM-Designate… A Technocrat With Two Priorities
TT
20

Habib Jemli, Tunisia’s PM-Designate… A Technocrat With Two Priorities

Habib Jemli, Tunisia’s PM-Designate… A Technocrat With Two Priorities

The appointment of Habib Jemli to form the new government has stirred controversy in Tunisia. Much of this controversy stems from the question of the extent of the independence of the technocrat specialized in agriculture and social solidarity economy from the Ennahda Movement and the Islamic movement in general.

The controversy took on new dimensions when Ziad al-Ahdari, the Secretary-General of Ennahda that has its most prominent representative in the government since 2015, announced his resignation from the party in protest. Adhari said it was a wrong choice because Jemli is “close to the Islamists” and “lacks the caliber needed to meet the global economic and political challenges currently facing Tunisia.”

The decision taken by President Kais Saied to appoint him last month confused most politicians, journalists, and syndicalists. They and the cadres of the Ennahda Movement, which nominated him, did not know who he was. The brief cable, released in conjunction with his appointment, summarizing his career in politics and economics, did not help. It deepened the skepticism surrounding his appointment, especially because he was appointed at the last minute instead of Almunji Marzouk, the former Minister of Industry and Energy.

After a long career in which he played various technocratic roles in the public and private sector, Habib Jemli, who hails from a poor village in the province of Kairouan, was appointed an assistant to the Minister of Agriculture in the two coalition governments between Ennahda and two secular parties between 2011 and 2014. According to the businessmen and administrators who worked with him at the time, he was effectively the “actual minister”, according to the Secretary-General of the Syndicate of Farmers in Kairouan, who claims Mohmed Ben Salem was busy with partisan responsibilities at Ennahda. Ben Salem himself praised Jemli’s repose, humility, decency, and work-ethic, claiming that Jemli used to work more than 14 hours a day. Several prominent Tunisian leaders, from within and without Ennahda, stressed Jemli’s independence. Among them are Rached Ghannouchi, leader of Ennahda, and Abdel-Karim al-Harouni, head of the party’s advisory council, who claim that while Jemli is “a friend of the movement”, he is not a member in any way, shape, or form.    
          
On the other hand, Jemli has been accused of lacking a comprehensive economic vision by his detractors, who claim that he is too specialized in agriculture. Hassan al-Zarkooni, an expert in communications and polling, claims the prime minister-designate “is not a prominent national figure among the network of developed relations with economic and political actors and journalists in Tunis and internationally.” Zarkouni believes that “this lack will deprive Tunisia of the security provided by its major economic partners, including Paris, the EU, World Bank, IMF, and large Arab, African, and European investment banks.” 

Cooperatives and Mutual Societies

Habib Jemli is considered the engineer behind the establishment of cooperatives and mutual societies after taking over the position of Deputy Minister of Agriculture in 2012 and 2013. According to al-Mawladi Ramadani, the Secretary-General of the Union of Farmers in Kairouan governorate, this plan contributed to assembling farmers and increasing their productivity and revenues and their marketing opportunities. Jemli worked on establishing a new method of running the Ministry of Agriculture using “an attitude with positive implications recognized by a substantial number of competent workers in committees affiliated with the Ministry, in addition to many people who deal with it.” He also laid the foundations for an action plan and comprehensive strategy to develop the Tunisian economy and enable it to play an advanced role in developing the national economy and overcoming the challenges facing the country, the most important of which being food security and the increasing levels of poverty in the Tunisian countryside and marginalized areas exceeding a million and a half people.

Relationship with Unions and the Left

Despite all of this, Jemli did not convince many of the union leaders and leftist parties, including leader of the Tunisian Communist Workers’ Party Hamma Hamami, Secretary-General of the Tunisian General Labour Union Noureddine Taboubi, and President of the Tunisian Union of IndustrySamir Majoul.

However, the testimonies of the figures that he received have all agreed on his ability to listen carefully to his interlocutors, and to welcome, register, and follow up on their suggestions, in addition to developing the government program that the Ennahda Movement has proposed. The latter, according to the former Secretary-General of the Tunisian General Labour Union, Hassan Abbasi, and lawyer and journalist Salah Eddin Joshi, suggested that he be appointed considering that they won first place.

Therefore, the question now is how capable is Jemli to succeed in his journey after deciding to expand the consultations with the traditional leaderships of unions and parties and with his openness to all political currents, and his promise to give priority to development and independence from parties. It is worth noting that the constitution allows for two full months to announce his government formation, until this coming January 14, which happens to be the anniversary of the revolution and the Arab uprisings.



Sudan's Relentless War: A 70-Year Cycle of Conflict


Army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (left) and RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, pictured during their alliance to oust Omar al-Bashir in 2019 (AFP)
Army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (left) and RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, pictured during their alliance to oust Omar al-Bashir in 2019 (AFP)
TT
20

Sudan's Relentless War: A 70-Year Cycle of Conflict


Army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (left) and RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, pictured during their alliance to oust Omar al-Bashir in 2019 (AFP)
Army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (left) and RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, pictured during their alliance to oust Omar al-Bashir in 2019 (AFP)

While world conflicts dominate headlines, Sudan’s deepening catastrophe is unfolding largely out of sight; a brutal war that has killed tens of thousands, displaced millions, and flattened entire cities and regions.

More than a year into the conflict, some observers question whether the international community has grown weary of Sudan’s seemingly endless cycles of violence. The country has endured nearly seven decades of civil war, and what is happening now is not an exception, but the latest chapter in a bloody history of rebellion and collapse.

The first of Sudan’s modern wars began even before the country gained independence from Britain. In 1955, army officer Joseph Lagu led the southern “Anyanya” rebellion, named after a venomous snake, launching a guerrilla war that would last until 1972.

A peace agreement brokered by the World Council of Churches and Ethiopia’s late Emperor Haile Selassie ended that conflict with the signing of the Addis Ababa Accord.

But peace proved short-lived. In 1983, then-president Jaafar Nimeiry reignited tensions by announcing the imposition of Islamic Sharia law, known as the “September Laws.” The move prompted the rise of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), led by John Garang, and a renewed southern insurgency that raged for more than two decades, outliving Nimeiry’s regime.

Under Omar al-Bashir, who seized power in a 1989 military coup, the war took on an Islamist tone. His government declared “jihad” and mobilized civilians in support of the fight, but failed to secure a decisive victory.

The conflict eventually gave way to the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, better known as the Naivasha Agreement, which was brokered in Kenya and granted South Sudan the right to self-determination.

In 2011, more than 95% of South Sudanese voted to break away from Sudan, giving birth to the world’s newest country, the Republic of South Sudan. The secession marked the culmination of decades of war, which began with demands for a federal system and ended in full-scale conflict. The cost: over 2 million lives lost, and a once-unified nation split in two.

But even before South Sudan’s independence became reality, another brutal conflict had erupted in Sudan’s western Darfur region in 2003. Armed rebel groups from the region took up arms against the central government, accusing it of marginalization and neglect. What followed was a ferocious counterinsurgency campaign that drew global condemnation and triggered a major humanitarian crisis.

As violence escalated, the United Nations deployed one of its largest-ever peacekeeping missions, the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID), in a bid to stem the bloodshed.

Despite multiple peace deals, including the Juba Agreement signed in October 2020 following the ousting of long-time Islamist ruler, Bashir, fighting never truly ceased.

The Darfur war alone left more than 300,000 people dead and millions displaced. The International Criminal Court charged Bashir and several top officials, including Ahmed Haroun and Abdel Raheem Muhammad Hussein, with war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Alongside the southern conflict, yet another war erupted in 2011, this time in the Nuba Mountains of South Kordofan and the Blue Nile region. The fighting was led by Abdelaziz al-Hilu, head of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement–North (SPLM–N), a group composed largely of northern fighters who had sided with the South during the earlier civil war under John Garang.

The conflict broke out following contested elections marred by allegations of fraud, and Khartoum’s refusal to implement key provisions of the 2005 Naivasha Agreement, particularly those related to “popular consultations” in the two regions. More than a decade later, war still grips both areas, with no lasting resolution in sight.

Then came April 15, 2023. A fresh war exploded, this time in the heart of the capital, Khartoum, pitting the Sudanese Armed Forces against the powerful paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF). Now entering its third year, the conflict shows no signs of abating.

According to international reports, the war has killed more than 150,000 people and displaced around 13 million, the largest internal displacement crisis on the planet. Over 3 million Sudanese have fled to neighboring countries.

Large swathes of the capital lie in ruins, and entire states have been devastated. With Khartoum no longer viable as a seat of power, the government and military leadership have relocated to the Red Sea city of Port Sudan.

Unlike previous wars, Sudan’s current conflict has no real audience. Global pressure on the warring factions has been minimal. Media coverage is sparse. And despite warnings from the United Nations describing the crisis as “the world’s worst humanitarian catastrophe,” Sudan's descent into chaos remains largely ignored by the international community.