Two Obstacles Face the Lebanese Uprising: Banks, Hezbollah

Demonstrators carry national flags and gesture during a protest targeting the government over an economic crisis in the port city of Sidon, Lebanon October 18, 2019. REUTERS/Ali Hashisho
Demonstrators carry national flags and gesture during a protest targeting the government over an economic crisis in the port city of Sidon, Lebanon October 18, 2019. REUTERS/Ali Hashisho
TT

Two Obstacles Face the Lebanese Uprising: Banks, Hezbollah

Demonstrators carry national flags and gesture during a protest targeting the government over an economic crisis in the port city of Sidon, Lebanon October 18, 2019. REUTERS/Ali Hashisho
Demonstrators carry national flags and gesture during a protest targeting the government over an economic crisis in the port city of Sidon, Lebanon October 18, 2019. REUTERS/Ali Hashisho

Two obstacles stand in the way of the Lebanese uprising and prevent it from achieving its goals: the banking sector and Hezbollah.

While the dynamics of obstruction and counter-revolution overlapped with these two components, each of them has a strategy to thwart and besiege the uprising.

The banking sector seems to be ignoring and refraining from making any concessions, not only to meet the demands of the street but also to respond to calls made by the governor of Banque du Liban, who was involved in maximizing the influence of bankers decades ago.

It is a strategy of laziness and deliberate indifference, waiting for the anger to fade and for the ruling political group to be able to beg some aid from unknown “philanthropists”.

On the other hand, Hezbollah is adopting an active strategy by threatening to use violence, similarly to its allies who faced the revolution in Iraq and suppressed protesters in Iran.

The policy of intimidation and threats falls within attempts to end the uprising and resume the previous course, while disregarding the fact that the Lebanese economic-political model that arose with the establishment of Greater Lebanon a hundred years ago, has been damaged, ceased to function, and cannot be repaired without a fundamental and structural change.

These two factors, represented by the banking inactivity and the armed threat, form the gallows stifling the Lebanese uprising.

Banks, by ignoring the citizens and preventing them from using their deposited funds, add an overwhelming burden to the daily life concerns of the majority of the Lebanese people.

The banks, of which the politicians constitute more than forty percent of shareholders and owners, do not want to listen to rescue plans prepared by some of the most brilliant economic experts. They reject every approach that calls them to be what they were claiming throughout the previous period, i.e. the pillar that carries the entire national economy. Instead, they are currently assuming the role of Shylock, who has no objection to seeing blood covering the streets instead of contributing, even with a small amount, to preventing the catastrophe.

Hezbollah joins this bleak scene, by providing its supporters with a myriad of conspiracy theories and accusations of betrayal against anyone who dares to call for a change in the group’s behavior. The party pretends that every change, no matter how simple and fair, is nothing more than an introduction to the elimination of the resistance for the sake of the US-Zionist project.

The encounter between the banks and the resistance seems strange. They both constitute wings of the “private sector”, which flourished at the expense of the Lebanese state and society.



Desperate for Cash, Gazans Sell Clothes Plucked from Rubble

Desperate for Cash, Gazans Sell Clothes Plucked from Rubble
TT

Desperate for Cash, Gazans Sell Clothes Plucked from Rubble

Desperate for Cash, Gazans Sell Clothes Plucked from Rubble

Moein Abu Odeh clambered up a pile of rubble in southern Gaza, searching for clothes, shoes, anything he could sell to raise cash more than a year since Israel started its relentless bombardments.

The father-of-four delved under blocks and brushed away piles of concrete dust at the site of one airstrike in the wrecked city of Khan Younis. His plan was to sell what he found to buy flour.

"If food and drink were available, believe me, I would give (these clothes) to charity," he said. "But the struggles we are going through (mean we) have to sell our clothes to eat and drink."

Widespread shortages and months of grinding war have generated a trade in old clothing, much of it salvaged from the homes of people who have died in the conflict.

At one makeshift market, shoes, shirts, sweaters and sneakers were laid out on dusty blankets, Reuters reported.

A girl tried on a single worn-out boot, which could come in handy this winter if she can afford it in Gaza's ruined economy.

A trader got an edge on his competitors by shouting out that his wares were European.

One man laughed as he got a young boy to try on a green jacket.

"We get clothing from a man whose house was destroyed. He was digging in the concrete to get some (clothing) and we buy them like this and sell them at a good price," displaced Palestinian Louay Abdel-Rahman said.

He and his family arrived in the city from another part of Gaza with only the clothes they were wearing. So he also keeps some back for them. "The seasons have changed from summer to winter and we need clothing," he said.

In April, the UN estimated it would take 14 years to dispose of the wreckage in Gaza. The UN official overseeing the problem said the clean-up would cost at least $1.2 billion.

More than 128,000 buildings have been destroyed or severely or moderately damaged in Gaza as a result of the conflict, the UN says. Underneath all of that are seams of mangled clothes.

"All our children only have short-sleeve clothing and nobody is helping them," Saeed Doula, a father-of-seven, said. "The war is all-encompassing."