Houthis Seek to Confiscate UNICEF Allowances for Teachers

A woman wearing a mask in Sanaa. Reuters file photo
A woman wearing a mask in Sanaa. Reuters file photo
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Houthis Seek to Confiscate UNICEF Allowances for Teachers

A woman wearing a mask in Sanaa. Reuters file photo
A woman wearing a mask in Sanaa. Reuters file photo

Iran-backed Houthi militias intend to seize cash incentives offered by UNICEF to 130,000 teachers in the areas under coup control, Yemeni educational sources in Sanaa said.

From late 2018, UNICEF, with Saudi and UAE funding, had been handing out allowances for teachers in Houthi-controlled areas.

The international organization earmarked a $50 monthly allowance for teachers in insurgency-controlled areas. Houthis had frozen the salaries of public sector employees, including teachers, in militia-run areas.

Under orders from Yahia Badreddin al-Houthi, who is the brother of Houthi leader Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, militia leaders started meeting with UNICEF officials to pressure the international body to replace teachers with Houthi members.

Sources accused the insurgents of setting out to destroy whatever is left of the education sector by confiscating cash incentives intended to help teachers who have struggled for four years under Houthi rule without salaries.

A school principal in Sanaa, who requested anonymity, told Asharq Al-Awsat that militia leaders are arguing that education had been brought to a halt due to coronavirus precautionary measures which makes teachers undeserving of the money.

The principal denounced the Houthi move, saying that it denies teachers their rights.

“The Houthi group can easily pay the salaries of educators and employees from the huge revenues it earns from taxes, royalties, customs, and other sources, but instead it now plans to rob teachers of the crumbs provided by UNICEF,” they said.

The Houthis have transformed schools into arenas for recruiting and mobilizing minors.

According to official government reports and other reports of local and international human rights organizations, there are about 4.5 million Yemeni children who have been denied education since the militia’s nationwide coup.



Uncertain Future for the PFLP-GC in Post-Assad Syria

Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Damascus on April 18 (AP) 
Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Damascus on April 18 (AP) 
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Uncertain Future for the PFLP-GC in Post-Assad Syria

Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Damascus on April 18 (AP) 
Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Damascus on April 18 (AP) 

The brief detention of Talal Naji, Secretary-General of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command (PFLP-GC), by Syrian authorities has renewed scrutiny over the status of Palestinian factions still operating in Syria, particularly those that aligned with the former Assad regime.

Naji’s arrest and swift release come amid a major political realignment following the collapse of Bashar al-Assad’s government in December 2024. Once one of the most active and heavily armed Palestinian groups in Syria, the PFLP-GC now faces an uncertain future, along with other factions that were long tolerated—or even supported—under Assad’s rule.

A well-informed Palestinian source, speaking on condition of anonymity, told Asharq Al-Awsat that the new Syrian administration has appointed a figure known as Abu Abdul Rahman al-Shami to oversee the file of Palestinian factions. Since assuming the role, al-Shami has convened multiple meetings with faction representatives, including regular attendees from the PFLP-GC, to discuss the fate of their fighters, weapons, property, and military infrastructure.

According to the source, al-Shami has made it clear that the new government intends to hold accountable any individuals or groups implicated in crimes against Syrian civilians during the civil war. Palestinian factions have been instructed to surrender all weapons and military equipment, and to limit their activities to humanitarian and relief work. The PFLP-GC, the source said, has largely complied.

Despite the fall of the Assad regime, Naji and much of the PFLP-GC’s second- and third-tier leadership have remained in Syria. Its offices in Damascus reportedly continue to operate, though under heightened scrutiny. Other faction leaders, however, have fled. Among them are Khaled Abdul Majid (Popular Struggle Front), Ziyad al-Saghir (Fatah–Intifada), Mohammad al-Saeed (Liwa al-Quds), and Saed Abdel Al (Free Palestine Movement). Most are believed to have sought refuge in Lebanon.

Sources confirmed that several PFLP-GC fighters have been detained in recent weeks in connection with alleged war crimes committed during their cooperation with Assad’s forces. The Syrian government has also moved to seize faction offices and military installations across the country, including properties belonging to Fatah–Intifada, the Free Palestine Movement, and the Sa’iqa Forces. Sa’iqa’s leader, Mohammad Qais, remains in Syria.

In a further blow, authorities have reportedly frozen bank accounts belonging to some Palestinian factions, both in state and private banks, although it remains unclear whether the PFLP-GC is among them.

Additionally, it is widely believed that the PFLP-GC has handed over its military training camps, which were previously spread across Damascus countryside, Daraa, Aleppo, and Suwayda. “The situation is extremely sensitive, and everyone is anxious,” one Palestinian source told Asharq Al-Awsat. “It’s likely they’ve surrendered those sites.”

The sense of unease deepened last month when Syrian authorities detained two senior Islamic Jihad officials in Damascus: Khaled Khaled, head of the group’s Syria bureau, and Abu Ali Yasser, its chief organizational officer. Both remain in custody, and no official charges have been announced.

The current atmosphere of fear and uncertainty has driven faction leaders to avoid public comment. Most now insist on anonymity when speaking to local or international media.

Before the outbreak of the Syrian uprising in March 2011, Syria hosted more than a dozen Palestinian factions. As the conflict escalated, the Assad regime encouraged the formation of new pro-regime groups, composed largely of Palestinian refugees, to fight alongside its forces.