Al-Qaeda Under Zawahiri and the Challenge of ISIS

ISIS lost its last stronghold last year. Can al-Qaeda benefit from the absence of its rival ? AFP
ISIS lost its last stronghold last year. Can al-Qaeda benefit from the absence of its rival ? AFP
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Al-Qaeda Under Zawahiri and the Challenge of ISIS

ISIS lost its last stronghold last year. Can al-Qaeda benefit from the absence of its rival ? AFP
ISIS lost its last stronghold last year. Can al-Qaeda benefit from the absence of its rival ? AFP

Who remembers the last operation that al-Qaeda claimed responsibility for? For many people, the answer will need some thought.

This question aims to shed light on what appears to be a clear decline of Qaeda’s role in planning and carrying out terrorist attacks around the world.

Qaeda’s activity began to recede during the leadership of Osama bin Laden. But its waning became more evident in the nine years that followed the man’s killing by the US commando raid on his hideout in Abbottabad, Pakistan on the first of May, 2011 (US time).

A review conducted by Asharq Al-Awsat on the press publications, which were issued by Qaeda under the leadership of Ayman al-Zawahiri, showed that the “general leadership” of the “jihad base” has turned from a direct base for attacks around the world to a promoter of operations in the areas of the group’s deployment.

It also appears, based on these publications, that al-Zawahiri leads the organization with the help of another Egyptian leader named Hossam Abdel-Raouf, also known as Abu Mohsen, who is in charge of the media activities.

A report by a US research center mentioned that there was another leader in the organization’s leadership assisting al-Zawahiri. It is his son-in-law, Abdul-Rahman al-Maghribi, who was reportedly killed in Waziristan in 2006. The current reports by Qaeda leadership do not include any indication that al-Maghribi is still alive.

In addition to Al-Zawahiri and Abu Mohsen, Qaeda's publications highlight a series of audiotapes of Hamza bin Laden, Osama’s son, who in turn called for carrying out attacks in revenge for his father’s death. He also urged the organization’s supporters to launch “lone-wolves” attacks in western and Arab countries.

Back then, Hamza was assuming an increasingly important position in the organization, which reinforced reports that he was preparing to be a potential successor to al-Zawahiri.

In a statement issued by the White House in September 2019, US President Donald Trump announced that Hamza bin Laden was killed in a US counterterrorism operation in the Afghanistan-Pakistan border region.

His killing was part of US efforts to combat Qaeda’s activity and to deprive the group of a long succession of leaders, who were killed by raids often launched by drones on their hideouts in Waziristan on the Pakistani border with Afghanistan.

Many thought that the Arab world’s revolutions, known as “the Arab Spring” would constitute an opportunity for Qaeda’s revival.

However, the organization’s new leader, Ayman al-Zawahiri, seemed unable to reap the “fruits of the spring”, not only as a result of US pressure, but also because of the emergence of a fierce competitor from within its environment: ISIS.

Al-Baghdadi…The Decline of al-Qaeda

The emergence of ISIS, led by Abu Bakr Al-Baghdadi, reflected the waning of al-Qaeda stars under Al-Zawahiri.

In the years that saw the movement’s rise, precisely in 2012, Baghdadi refused to submit to al-Zawahiri’s orders, specifically regarding al-Nusra Front, and went as far as to destroy the organization and eliminate its presence in large areas of Syria, in addition to competing with Qaeda in its strongholds around the world.

ISIS gained further strength through the field victories achieved by its fighters in Iraq and Syria. They took control of an area equivalent to the size of Britain, and established a “state”, which they called the “caliphate” in 2014. These successes attracted thousands of people from around the world, who flocked to Syria and Iraq. Many of them brought their families along to live in the purported “confines of the caliphate”.

Also, Baghdadi has resorted to a series of massive attacks in Western countries, some of which were carried out directly, as happened in the Paris and Brussels attacks of 2015 and 2016; while others were perpetrated indirectly, through a long series of “lone-wolves” attacks, carried out by ISIS supporters, who were unable to join in Syria and Iraq, due to the launching of operations of the international coalition against the organization.

Through these attacks, ISIS became the world’s first terrorist organization in the eyes of the Americans, who had previously honored Qaeda with that title.

However, Qaeda was severely battered by ISIS in Syria, where al-Zawahiri was betting on reviving his organization’s activity through al-Nusra Front, which was led by Abu Muhammad al-Jolani.

Qaeda, as it turned out, sent a number of its most distinguished veteran leaders and well-known figures (some of whom were residing in Iran) to Syria to empower al-Nusra against ISIS, on the one hand, and allow it to attract other groups that were also fighting the Syrian regime under Islamic slogans.

But the Americans knew that al-Nusra was nothing but a branch of Qaeda. The leader of the group, Abu Muhammad al-Jolani, was forced to reject his allegiance to al-Zawahiri.

This disagreement prompted some of the Font’s senior members to declare their separation from al-Jolani and form another organization openly linked to Qaeda, under the name of “Guardians of the Religion”.

It was clear that the Syrian issue and the Islamists’ differences worried Zawahiri since the rise of Baghdadi in 2013.

In September 2015, Zawahiri called on his supporters to cooperate with ISIS in Syria and Iraq to counter the campaign launched by the international coalition against the organization. However, this did not lead to an improvement in relations between the two parties, but rather to its further deterioration.

Qaeda Branches

Apart from the Syrian defeat, Qaeda branch in East Africa, represented by the Somali al-Shabab movement, maintained the momentum of its activity, carrying out a series of attacks in the disintegrated Somalia and its neighbor, Kenya.

The US Command in Africa (AFRICOM) plays a pivotal role in facing al-Shabab, through a series of raids targeting the locations of the movement’s militants.

Since the beginning of 2020, AFRICOM has carried out more than 33 raids against al-Shabab, and has managed to kill many elements, including one of its founders, Yusuf Jiis, in April this year.

The Qaeda branch in the African Sahel region, represented by the Islamic and Muslim Front, was able to maintain the pace of its activities in Niger, Burkina Faso and Mali - countries, where central governments suffer disintegration and their security forces, are unable to control large areas of their vast territories.

These countries also witness the activity of the ISIS branch, which has claimed responsibility huge operations in Burkina Faso, Niger, Nigeria, and the region surrounding Lake Chad. The future relationship between the two terrorist movements is still unclear, given that they are currently coexisting.

In Yemen, Qaeda lost its leader, Qasim Al-Rimi (Abu Hurairah Al-Sanani), in a US raid early this year. In February, Trump announced the killing of al-Rimi, who had taken over the leadership of Qaeda there since 2015. He was succeeded by Khaled Bin Omar Batarfi.

In Afghanistan and Pakistan, Qaeda welcomed the US agreement with the Taliban movement, although this agreement clearly states the Taliban will not allow any activity launched from its territory against external parties, including the US

Qaeda Leadership After The Killing of Hamza Bin Ladan

Not much is currently known about those helping Zawahiri lead the organization, especially after the killing of Hamza bin Laden.

But Qaeda’s publications sometimes refer to another Egyptian figure, who appears to be playing an important role in the hierarchy of the organization: Hossam Abdel-Raouf, who is presented as Qaeda’s media official.

Last year, the US Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) added him to the lists of most wanted people, noting that he was nicknamed “Abu Mohsen al-Masri,” born in Egypt in 1957.

In 2018, a US court charged him with conspiracy to provide material support and resources for a foreign terrorist organization.

Meanwhile, the relationship between Qaeda and ISIS is still mired in ambiguity in the wake of the US success in defeating the latter in Syria and the killing of Zawahri’s first rival, Baghdadi, in Idlib in October last year.

ISIS chose a new leader, Amir Muhammad Saeed Abdul Rahman al-Mawla (known as Abu Ibrahim al-Qurashi, Hajji Abdullah and Abu Omar al-Turkmani), who previously assumed a religious role in the ranks of Qaeda in Iraq.

Thus, Zawahiri will find himself now in confrontation with a new leader of ISIS, who emerged from the heart of Qaeda.



10 Years after Europe's Migration Crisis, the Fallout Reverberates in Greece and Beyond

File photo: Migrants of African origin trying to flee to Europe are crammed on board of a small boat, as Tunisian coast guards prepare to transfer them onto their vessel, at sea between Tunisia and Italy, on August 10, 2023. (Photo by FETHI BELAID / AFP)
File photo: Migrants of African origin trying to flee to Europe are crammed on board of a small boat, as Tunisian coast guards prepare to transfer them onto their vessel, at sea between Tunisia and Italy, on August 10, 2023. (Photo by FETHI BELAID / AFP)
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10 Years after Europe's Migration Crisis, the Fallout Reverberates in Greece and Beyond

File photo: Migrants of African origin trying to flee to Europe are crammed on board of a small boat, as Tunisian coast guards prepare to transfer them onto their vessel, at sea between Tunisia and Italy, on August 10, 2023. (Photo by FETHI BELAID / AFP)
File photo: Migrants of African origin trying to flee to Europe are crammed on board of a small boat, as Tunisian coast guards prepare to transfer them onto their vessel, at sea between Tunisia and Italy, on August 10, 2023. (Photo by FETHI BELAID / AFP)

Fleeing Iran with her husband and toddler, Amena Namjoyan reached a rocky beach of this eastern Greek island along with hundreds of thousands of others. For months, their arrival overwhelmed Lesbos. Boats fell apart, fishermen dove to save people from drowning, and local grandmothers bottle-fed newly arrived babies.

Namjoyan spent months in an overcrowded camp. She learned Greek. She struggled with illness and depression as her marriage collapsed. She tried to make a fresh start in Germany but eventually returned to Lesbos, the island that first embraced her. Today, she works at a restaurant, preparing Iranian dishes that locals devour, even if they struggle to pronounce the names. Her second child tells her, “‘I’m Greek.’”

“Greece is close to my culture, and I feel good here,” Namjoyan said. “I am proud of myself.”

In 2015, more than 1 million migrants and refugees arrived in Europe — the majority by sea, landing in Lesbos, where the north shore is just 10 kilometers (6 miles) from Türkiye. The influx of men, women and children fleeing war and poverty sparked a humanitarian crisis that shook the European Union to its core. A decade later, the fallout still reverberates on the island and beyond.

For many, Greece was a place of transit. They continued on to northern and western Europe. Many who applied for asylum were granted international protection; thousands became European citizens. Countless more were rejected, languishing for years in migrant camps or living in the streets. Some returned to their home countries. Others were kicked out of the European Union.

For Namjoyan, Lesbos is a welcoming place — many islanders share a refugee ancestry, and it helps that she speaks their language. But migration policy in Greece, like much of Europe, has shifted toward deterrence in the decade since the crisis. Far fewer people are arriving illegally. Officials and politicians have maintained that strong borders are needed. Critics say enforcement has gone too far and violates fundamental EU rights and values.

“Migration is now at the top of the political agenda, which it didn’t use to be before 2015,” said Camille Le Coz Director of the Migration Policy Institute Europe, noting changing EU alliances. “We are seeing a shift toward the right of the political spectrum.”

A humanitarian crisis turned into a political one

In 2015, boat after boat crowded with refugees crashed onto the doorstep of Elpiniki Laoumi, who runs a fish tavern across from a Lesbos beach. She fed them, gave them water, made meals for aid organizations.

“You would look at them and think of them as your own children," said Laoumi, whose tavern walls today are decorated with thank-you notes.

From 2015 to 2016, the peak of the migration crisis, more than 1 million people entered Europe through Greece alone. The immediate humanitarian crisis — to feed, shelter and care for so many people at once — grew into a long-term political one.

Greece was reeling from a crippling economic crisis. The influx added to anger against established political parties, fueling the rise of once-fringe populist forces.

EU nations fought over sharing responsibility for asylum seekers. The bloc’s unity cracked as some member states flatly refused to take migrants. Anti-migration voices calling for closed borders became louder.

Today, illegal migration is down across Europe While illegal migration to Greece has fluctuated, numbers are nowhere near 2015-16 figures, according to the International Organization for Migration. Smugglers adapted to heightened surveillance, shifting to more dangerous routes.

Overall, irregular EU border crossings decreased by nearly 40% last year and continue to fall, according to EU border and coast guard agency Frontex.

That hasn’t stopped politicians from focusing on — and sometimes fearmongering over — migration. This month, the Dutch government collapsed after a populist far-right lawmaker withdrew his party’s ministers over migration policy.

In Greece, the new far-right migration minister has threatened rejected asylum seekers with jail time.

A few miles from where Namjoyan now lives, in a forest of pine and olive trees, is a new EU-funded migrant center. It's one of the largest in Greece and can house up to 5,000 people.

Greek officials denied an Associated Press request to visit. Its opening is blocked, for now, by court challenges.

Some locals say the remote location seems deliberate — to keep migrants out of sight and out of mind.

“We don’t believe such massive facilities are needed here. And the location is the worst possible – deep inside a forest,” said Panagiotis Christofas, mayor of Lesbos’ capital, Mytilene. “We’re against it, and I believe that’s the prevailing sentiment in our community.”

A focus on border security

For most of Europe, migration efforts focus on border security and surveillance.

The European Commission this year greenlighted the creation of “return” hubs — a euphemism for deportation centers — for rejected asylum seekers. Italy has sent unwanted migrants to its centers in Albania, even as that faces legal challenges.

Governments have resumed building walls and boosting surveillance in ways unseen since the Cold War.

In 2015, Frontex was a small administrative office in Warsaw. Now, it's the EU's biggest agency, with 10,000 armed border guards, helicopters, drones and an annual budget of over 1 billion euros.

On other issues of migration — reception, asylum and integration, for example — EU nations are largely divided.

The legacy of Lesbos

Last year, EU nations approved a migration and asylum pact laying out common rules for the bloc's 27 countries on screening, asylum, detention and deportation of people trying to enter without authorization, among other things.

“The Lesbos crisis of 2015 was, in a way, the birth certificate of the European migration and asylum policy,” Margaritis Schinas, a former European Commission vice president and a chief pact architect, told AP.

He said that after years of fruitless negotiations, he's proud of the landmark compromise.

“We didn’t have a system,” Schinas said. “Europe’s gates had been crashed."

The deal, endorsed by the United Nations refugee agency, takes effect next year. Critics say it made concessions to hardliners. Human rights organizations say it will increase detention and erode the right to seek asylum.

Some organizations also criticize the “externalization” of EU border management — agreements with countries across the Mediterranean to aggressively patrol their coasts and hold migrants back in exchange for financial assistance.

The deals have expanded, from Türkiye to the Middle East and across Africa. Human rights groups say autocratic governments are pocketing billions and often subject the displaced to appalling conditions.

Lesbos still sees some migrants arrive Lesbos' 80,000 residents look back at the 2015 crisis with mixed feelings.

Fisherman Stratos Valamios saved some children. Others drowned just beyond his reach, their bodies still warm as he carried them to shore.

“What’s changed from back then to now, 10 years on? Nothing,” he said. “What I feel is anger — that such things can happen, that babies can drown.”

Those who died crossing to Lesbos are buried in two cemeteries, their graves marked as “unknown.”

Tiny shoes and empty juice boxes with faded Turkish labels can still be found on the northern coast. So can black doughnut-shaped inner tubes, given by smugglers as crude life preservers for children. At Moria, a refugee camp destroyed by fire in 2020, children’s drawings remain on gutted building walls.

Migrants still arrive, and sometimes die, on these shores. Lesbos began to adapt to a quieter, more measured flow of newcomers.

Efi Latsoudi, who runs a network helping migrants learn Greek and find jobs, hopes Lesbos’ tradition of helping outsiders in need will outlast national policies.

“The way things are developing, it’s not friendly for newcomers to integrate into Greek society,” Latsoudi said. "We need to do something. ... I believe there is hope.”