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Jeffrey to Asharq Al-Awsat: Russia Is Aware What Kind of Ally It Has in Syria

Jeffrey to Asharq Al-Awsat: Russia Is Aware What Kind of Ally It Has in Syria
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Jeffrey to Asharq Al-Awsat: Russia Is Aware What Kind of Ally It Has in Syria

Jeffrey to Asharq Al-Awsat: Russia Is Aware What Kind of Ally It Has in Syria

US Ambassador James Jeffrey, the State Department’s special representative for the Syrian war and the fight against ISIS, said the US supports "in every possible way", diplomatically and logistically, Israeli raids on Iranian sites in Syria.

In an exclusive interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, Jeffrey said that "Iran has very established footholds in the Syrian state and within Syrian society, "noting that many Arab countries" will never be in harmony with a man like (President Bashar) Assad. They can claim that they can distance him from the Iranian orbit, but I see that this is absolutely not possible."

The American envoy emphasized that his country will continue to impose sanctions on Damascus, and "we support the entry into force of sanctions on the Syrian regime until its acceptance of a political solution," explaining: "Economic sanctions make the situation worse for the circle of people very close to the head of the regime, and this is what we are always trying to reach."

And we want to make it clear to these figures that there is no clear future for them if they continue to support Assad. They should rather press for political transition. ” He pointed out that the recent Russian media campaign against Damascus is evidence that Moscow is also aware of “what kind of ally” they have in Syria today. He said that Idlib is "the citadel of opposition” and will not return to Damascus soon.

Here is the text of the exclusive interview that Asharq Al-Awsat did by Phone Thursday:

· Let’s start with Covid-19. Could you give me your assessment? Also, yesterday in the Security Council the Russians once again rejected reopening Yarobiyeh, the crossing between Iraq and Syria. What is your assessment on that as well?

First of all, we’re following the situation of the coronavirus throughout Syria. We have to look at it in three different areas; the northeast where we have the best eyes on, the northwest where we rely on Turkish information, and of course the regime areas which are totally under-reported and under-represented. We have only notional information from the regime areas. We think that there’s a considerable amount of cases there, but we can’t measure it. We do not see at the moment a significant outbreak of the virus in the northwest, but of course with so many people jammed together and with such bad medical support, particularly as the Russians and Syrians have bombed most of the hospitals and other medical facilities there, that would be of great concern.

In the northeast, there have been one or two reports of infections but we are yet to see a significant outbreak.

To some degree the few reported cases are due to the limit on travel in and out of the country, other than for the Iranians who we think spread it initially in regime areas. So the effects of it have been limited but that can change at any time. The UN is worried about this, the WHO is worried about this, and we are as well.

The Russians and the regime by blocking the transfer of medical supplies to those areas where Assad does not hold sway of course have made the situation worse. It’s Assad’s fault. It’s his fault in his own areas for having devastated his own country and not caring about its people. He is even more at fault in those areas not under his control that he denies assistance to, even though that is his responsibility as the sovereign entity in Syria.

*Do you think being in this pandemic paves the way for renewal or updating of the UN Security Council resolution regarding the humanitarian border crossing? Because I think we’re supposed to be in June/July, and directions in December?

In July, UNSC 2504 has to be renewed. It is our hope that Russia will renew at a minimum the two crossings in the northwest. We are very, very insistent on that, and we would also like to see a new crossing to service the northeast. As you know the crossing there, the Rabia crossing, was blocked from being included in the new resolution by the Russians and Chinese so that is where we are.

· As you may know in the last few weeks, even months, since the beginning of the pandemic the Russians and the regime twisted the whole argument. They’re saying now that they’re blaming the US and the European sanctions. What is your reaction to that?

The collapse of the Lebanon monetary and financial system has nothing to do with our sanctions, and that is perhaps the biggest impact on Assad. Frankly his own bad management is the second reason he is in such dire economic shape, and then thirdly, it’s the fact that this country is still at war and important areas, including agriculture and energy-producing areas, are not under his control, nor should they be until he accepts a compromise political settlement. That is why he is faced with great economic difficulties that are impacting all of the people. Our sanctions do not include sanctions on humanitarian or medical goods, those items can flow freely. And the sanctions are carefully selected and packaged to target regime figures and not the average person.

· In May/June I think the Europeans, the EU are supposed to renew their sanctions, so what is your view on that?

We are very much in favor of these sanctions staying in place until the Regime accepts a political solution. We see the glimmer of hope in the longer-term ceasefire in Idlib and the regime’s acquiescence in a common agenda for the constitutional committee in Geneva. These things would not have happened without the tough position of the international community, be it the Turks in Idlib or all of our efforts maintaining our sanctions. So we are really happy that the EU is maintaining them.

· What would you tell some Syrians who buy the narrative of the regime and blame the US for their suffering?

I cannot help anyone if after almost a decade of Assad’s terror, they still believe Assad over the international community.

· In this regard, we saw some new developments by some Arab countries who reconnected with Damascus and they took the pandemic as a pretext. Did you speak with those Arab countries? And if you did, what did you tell them?

That’s kind of vague without identifying which Arab countries. The Arab countries I am thinking of, and I do not want to disclose them publicly but we know who they are, we are talking to them constantly.

We think two things. First of all they will have no impact. They will not win any prizes from Assad. We saw when one of them, and this one I can name because it has been discussed in the media, the UAE extended diplomatic recognition and they got nothing from Assad. I think they barely got a thank you. We know as well that they’re not going to change his policies nor are they going to undercut our policy.

We think that some people in the region have the mistaken idea, even though I am in media all the time, and Secretary Pompeo and President Trump speak out frequently on Syria, that maybe there is another American policy that allows us to be friends with Assad. There is no such American policy. There will never be such an American policy. There wasn’t even such a policy under the Obama administration.

· In this regard what do you expect from the Arab Summit that is due in June but might be delayed a little bit. The Algerians are now working hard to bring the Syrians back to the Arab League.

Our question to the Arab League is: What has changed from when you took the decision (to freeze Syria membership in 2012)? Have fewer people died now had died then? We think the number now is almost 500,000 Arab citizens of Syria. That is not a very encouraging thing to invite them back. Has the Regime complied with any of the UN calls for reconciliation? No.

What percent of the population has been ridden from their homes or fled their homes due to the regime in 2012 when the Arab League took the decision? Perhaps 5-10 percent of the population. What percentage of that population today? 50 percent.

The Arab League has to ask itself: Does it just have as an interlocutor states or does it also have as an interlocutor people of those states? Because the people of this state, Syria, have shown repeatedly their courage and their commitment by half the population fleeing Assad’s rule.

· Some Arab countries believe that by bringing the regime back to the League, maybe they would distance it away from Iran. What do you think?

It’s a crazy idea. First of all, Iran is deeply embedded in the Syrian state and society. It’s not as bad as Hezbullah in Lebanon or with the Militias in Iraq, and I know both situations, particularly Iraq, very well. But it is very concerning, not just to us, we know it is also concerning to the regime and the Russians. You have militias that are created and paid for by the Iranian government and reports to the Iranian government.

But the other thing is, and people really need to think about this, Syria is a state where Assad’s brutality to his own people is unique in the world, even faced with Venezuela or North Korea. Assad only knows one tool, butchering his population, particularly the Sunni Arab population.

Now, does anybody think he’s going to change his ways? It is one thing to think he is going to change his alliance with Iran, I don’t think he can but at least theoretically it is possible. But does anyone think he is going to change the way he rules and the population is going to accept this mass murderer, this uber torturer as leader? No. He has to run an absolutely horrific brutal totalitarian state.

What country is willing to accept a partnership with a brute like that? We only know of two, Russia and Iran. We do not think the decent countries of the Gulf and the Arab World would be in the same bed with someone like him. They can claim they can wean him away from Iran, I doubt that very much. Will these countries provide the ground forces, the Hizbullah troops, and the Shia from Afghanistan and other countries to keep the Sunni Arab and many other ethnic groups in the opposition from attacking Assad? No, they won't go that far and I don’t think they will sign up to support a government as terrible as Assad’s. They won’t bear the responsibility. That is something Iran and Russia will have to do.

· Recently, there were a lot of Israeli airstrikes around Damascus, Damascus - Beirut highway, and in Palmyra. What is your view on this?

The US supports Israel’s efforts to secure its self-defense. Israel is facing an existential threat from Iran, as they have said a thousand times that their mission is to destroy Israel. The Iranians are in Syria in large numbers, passing on long-range weapon systems to Hezbullah that threaten Israel. We know probably two elements associated with the Iranians, also in Syria, and Israel has the right to take whatever action it needs, being careful about Syrian casualties which the Israelis are, for the goal of saving Israel. Therefore, we are supportive of them in any way we can.

· What kind of support? Political or Logistical? Through the Tanf military base?

We give the support that is needed for effective Israeli actions to protect itself, and in protecting itself it is protecting all neighbors of Assad: Jordan, Turkey, Iraq, and Lebanon.

· The Israeli Minister of Defense said recently that this is to finish, not limit, the Iranian influence on Syria. Do you think that is possible?

Our policy is that all Iranian-commanded forces have to leave Syria, along with frankly all other military forces that entered after 2011. This includes the United States, if all of the reports are correct about the Israeli Air Force that would include the Israelis, and it would include the Turks.

· And the Russians?

The Russians entered before 2011, therefore they are exempt. Everyone else came after the war had begun. If there is a political solution to the war, and neighbors such as Israel and Turkey no longer feel threatened by the situation in Syria, we think they would be willing to let the country return to normal. As far as we are concerned, returning to normal is our goal and that means, among others, all Iranian-commanded forces have to leave.

· You said earlier that the sanctions are working, and that there are indications proving that. What are they?

Given the incompetence of the Assad administration, who is good at sucking the blood, literally and figuratively, in terms of money, goods, and property from its own people and in running a corrupt financial and economic system, but are not good at holding the country together and attracting foreign investments, they have done much of the damage themselves. Who would invest in a country Assad runs? They have also destroyed much of their own infrastructure, driven away a large percentage of the country’s doctors, and on and on.

It’s hard to say if you look at the unlimited fall of the Syrian pound (now 1300 to the US dollar) and the claims by people who are trying to support the regime that they have lost $244 billion, four times the GDP of the country, in the last few years because of the war, it is very hard to say what is due to the Regime’s own actions and what part of it is due to the sanctions. I would say that in general, in terms of the economy, it is mainly what the Regime has done to itself. Sanctions make life hard for those people in the inner circle, and that is what we are trying to get at. To make it clear to them that they don’t have an economic future by supporting Assad. They need to push for a political transition in Syria.

· You say the sanctions will push the regime to change its behavior?

We think it is a combination of everything. The 50 percent of the population that’s fled, stripping the country of most of its demographic resources, or much of it. The major swaths of territory that are not under Assad’s hand and unlikely to come into his hands because significant outside powers, including the US, who are on the ground. The pummeling (attacks) that the Iranians and the Syrians are getting from the air (Israeli Strikes) with ever more aggressive and effective airstrikes. The lack of reconstruction assistance. The ostracism of the Regime by the Arab League and by the Europeans.

We think that at the end of the day this formula will push the regime to eventually seek a negotiated settlement rather than claim a military victory and no compromise, which is what they have been doing up until now.

· You just said that keeping regime out of Idlib is a strategic thing. Right?

Yes. That is correct

· And you said that you want Turkey to fight extremists in Idlib?

Yes, we do. And we see signs that they are, more effectively.

How can you combine those two goals, keep Idlib out of the regime’s control and fight terrorism? And what do you think of the Turkish Russian deal over Idlib?

I think the deal will maintain as long as Turkey continues pressure on HTS. We do not see HTS as a serious threat to Russian forces, as they claim. It is a threat to all of us because it is a terrorist organization, and it is a threat to the more moderate and armed opposition in Idlib, which is of concern to us.

We see no reason, no excuse, no justification for this offensive (regime in Idlib) to start up again. By the same token, we are happy that the Turks are dealing independently with HTS. They committed to that in September 2018 and in the most recent agreement and that is a good thing.

· And you think that deal is holding?

I think that it will hold for the next few months, at least.

· Let move to North East of Syria which is where the American forces are. Recently we have noticed the Russians sending more military enforcement and they took a Qamshli military base and are getting closer and closer to the Americans. What is your assessment of the situation?

The Russians have some lightly armed military police units, they travel around in three, four, five vehicles, and sometimes they’re here, sometimes they’re there, but there is no Russian significant military force on the ground. There is no Russian occupation. Frankly, the Syrian government, other than in a few bases in Qamishli and the city of Deir El Zoor, has no real presence either. There are a few outposts and a few patrols. The people with the large, tens of thousands forces on the ground is the SDF, our partner against ISIS.

· In December, President Trump spoke of withdrawing from the North East of Syria and the Americans are there now. How long will they remain?

We will remain there until we have completed our military mission of the enduring the defeat of ISIS.

· Can we say it is an open-ended presence there?

I would never say the word open-ended. I would say only what I have just said.

· What would you tell your allies, the SDF, in advance before pulling out?

Pulling out of northeast Syria is not on the agenda, as we have not seen yet the enduring defeat of ISIS.

· Back to the current relationship between Washington and Moscow. There were some talks between some American officials and Russian officials in Washington, Moscow, and Vienna. Where are we in that regard? Is the step-by-step approach still valid?

As you know, we have various levels of talks with the Russians. We maintain generally our radio silence on these talks. One exception was when Mike Pompeo traveled to Sochi to meet with FM Lavrov and President Putin to talk about Syria and to talk about our efforts to get a compromised solution. We laid the whole thing out to both Putin and Lavrov and we did a joint press conference with Lavrov. It’s all on the record.

What do you make of the Russian media criticism of Assad?

We think that Russia knows very well what’s going on in the country. We think Russia knows what sort of ally they have in the Syrian President. And we think those articles speak for themselves.

· Do you think the Russians are upset with Damascus?

I think the articles speak for themselves. You are a journalist and when you write your articles, you want us to read what you write. Right? Then, believe what is printed in the papers.

· Did the Russians convey the same thing with you?

We do not share the details of diplomatic exchanges with our valued Russian interlocutors.

· We Know the OPCW report blamed Damascus for Ltamneh (Hamah) chemical attack in 2017 and we know that Damascus dined that. What is the next step?

The OPCW is reporting its findings to the UN Security Council, which were dramatic, and talk not just about Regime forces using chemical weapons but that the decisions were taken at the highest levels of the government to do so.

Meanwhile, the Security Council is also dealing with the UN Board of inquiry that found the regime, and to some degree the Russians, culpable for exploiting the UN’s passing of coordinates of humanitarian installations that should be on a no strike list, but in fact were deliberately struck.

We see the UN, from OCHA Chief Mark Lowcock to Secretary-General Guterres himself, speaking out in very clear and tough terms of the humanitarian risks of closing these border crossings from Iraq and eventually Turkey and the failure of the regime to allow crossline transfers of humanitarian goods to those areas. We see German courts pursuing Assad’s torturers who had gone after Syrian citizens. These citizens and their torturers now find themselves in Germany with cases open against them.

This is just the tip of the iceberg of all of the accountability efforts that we, the UN, the international community, and the media are doing to expose, that’s the word I would use, expose the absolute moral bankruptcy of that regime and those who are associated with it.

· What about the UN peace process? We hear UN special Envoy Mr. Gier Pederson saying that he made a deal between regime and opposition about agenda of the constitutional committee?

Pederson has this account and we support him 150 percent, including his call for a nationwide ceasefire. We support his efforts to build on the agreement on the agenda. That is a small, but important step forward.

· Do you think that it is realistic to talk about presidential elections under UN auspices in 2021?

We think the elections are the right way to go. If Assad holds his elections, this year or next year, they will have none, zero international credibility. They will be dismissed by the international community. The international community will redouble its efforts to pursue real elections monitored by the UN. That is the way forward. That is what the US supports.

The policy that we are pursuing is not going to change. We look very much forward to working with the media and the voices and people of the entire Middle East in speaking as one to call for a political solution and an end to the fighting.

· It this realistic?

Some people think it is not realistic. I don’t know but two years ago people thought that it was unrealistic to think that the last citadel of the armed opposition in Idlib would hold out for very long. Two years later there it is. Some people thought it was impossible for the Syrian Opposition and representatives of the Syrian government could meet together in Geneva, they have done so. Trust us that we are not only pursuing this policy, we think it has had some limited success and we think it has the potential to have a great deal more success.

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Interviews

Iraq PM to Asharq Al-Awsat: Corruption Crackdown Is Irreversible, Arms Must Be Under State Control

Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi during his interview with Asharq Al-Awsat Editor-in-Chief in Baghdad on Sunday
Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi during his interview with Asharq Al-Awsat Editor-in-Chief in Baghdad on Sunday
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Iraq PM to Asharq Al-Awsat: Corruption Crackdown Is Irreversible, Arms Must Be Under State Control

Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi during his interview with Asharq Al-Awsat Editor-in-Chief in Baghdad on Sunday
Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi during his interview with Asharq Al-Awsat Editor-in-Chief in Baghdad on Sunday

Journalists live for the unexpected, especially in Iraq, where events can overtake a carefully planned interview before it even begins.

I had requested a meeting with Iraq’s new prime minister, Ali al-Zaidi, who emerged after a prolonged political contest involving two of his predecessors, Nouri al-Maliki and Mohammed Shia al-Sudani. The interview was scheduled for June 28th, so I arrived in Baghdad the day before. As it turned out, the timing could not have been better.

When al-Zaidi took office, I wondered whether he had made the biggest mistake of his life. He had built a successful career in finance and business and amassed considerable personal wealth. Why abandon that world for the unforgiving arena of Iraqi politics, and for a job in which success has often proved elusive?

From his first day in office, he appeared to be confronting two of Iraq’s most dangerous challenges: entrenched corruption, which has drained the country’s wealth, and armed groups operating beyond state control, which have exacted a heavy price on Iraq’s economy, reputation and regional and international relations.

I woke early in the Green Zone to messages saying that armored vehicles had sealed off the area overnight and restricted access. At first, I assumed it was a routine security incident. It soon became clear that something far more significant was under way.

Acting on judicial warrants, security forces raided the homes of figures who had long believed themselves beyond reach. Within hours, influential politicians, lawmakers and provincial officials had been detained for questioning over allegedly stolen public funds. The operation extended beyond Baghdad to other provinces and remained ongoing.

Al-Zaidi launched his tenure by giving up his salary and official allowances, declaring that he would accept no gifts, “not even a necktie.” In Baghdad, there was widespread talk that a man accused of offering him $200 million to draw him into a corruption network was now himself under investigation.

Al-Zaidi speaks in firm, unambiguous terms. He says there will be no protection for the corrupt and “no retreat from the decision to fight corruption or from the decision to bring all weapons under state control. Both will be enforced through the law.”

He also rejects foreign dictates and tutelage, insisting that Iraq will not submit to pressure from any side. When I joked that those with money seek power and those with power seek money, he replied that he was already financially secure. He said he would neither contest the next parliamentary elections nor seek a second term as prime minister.
 

Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi during an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat Editor-in-Chief in Baghdad on Sunday

The fatigue was visible in his eyes when we met. He said he had not slept for 24 hours, having followed what Baghdad residents were calling “the night the big fish were caught.”

A visit by Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi shortened the time available for al-Zaidi’s first interview with an Arab media outlet, leaving some questions unasked.

The following is the full interview:

Is the fight against corruption an irreversible decision?

Yes. It is an irreversible decision, and it is not optional. Corruption now threatens the very existence of the Iraqi state.

Certain elements adopted the notion of entering the body of the Iraqi state for the purpose of theft rather than public service. There is no longer any place for such people.

Between 1980 and 2003, Iraq’s wealth was devoted to sustaining wars, followed by the years of sanctions. Iraqis were therefore unable to enjoy their country’s wealth for 23 years.

From 2003 until the current year, 2026, another 23 years have passed. You are well aware of what happened in Iraq during this latter period.

A deviant system of thought emerged, centered on competing to loot and steal. We are in the process of ending this system, writing a new page for Iraq and closing that chapter.

Does this mean that you have decided to close the chapter on corruption?

Yes. There will be no place for corruption and no place for arms outside the state.

At the end of this year, we will announce a “National Sovereignty Conference” that will enshrine the exclusive possession of force by the state and its institutions.

No party will be permitted to carry weapons outside the framework of the state, and Iraqis will finally enjoy their country’s wealth.

We face two paths. We can either accommodate the interests of certain individuals and lose the approval of God Almighty and of the people, or we can remove those individuals.

Today, we will instruct the minister of finance to open a special account to recover Iraq’s funds from those involved in corruption. They must return the money.

Those who refuse to return it will face a different response from us. We will pursue settlements with those who return corruption proceeds, while safeguarding the rights of the Iraqi people in accordance with the law. The proceedings will remain confidential.

I have made this intention sincerely before God. We carry a debt toward Iraq.

What is that debt?

This country, Iraq, has bestowed its blessings and wealth upon us. How could we have become what we are without Iraq?

It is now our duty to repay that debt.

That is why I announced that I would not receive a salary and would not accept a gift, even if it were a necktie. My hand will not touch public money.

Should I act otherwise, I hope I receive what I deserve. I imposed this pledge upon myself to prevent any possibility of change. The highest limit of my ambition is to earn God’s approval and bring happiness to Iraqis.

Will you continue the anti-corruption campaign, regardless of the cost?

I regard death as a meeting with God Almighty, and it is the least we can offer Iraq.

I have announced that I will not run for another term and will not establish a political party.

I am determined, however, that the whole world should come away with an image of Iraq as a true source of leaders and that Iraqis are capable of governing this ancient country.

I will not permit dictates from beyond Iraq’s borders, whether from the East or the West. Iraq’s decision belongs to its people and is expressed by parliament, and the government must implement that decision.

So your slogan is “Iraq first.” No major powers and no regional powers?

Absolutely. Iraq comes first. Nothing comes before Iraq for us.

The interests of Iraqis are my top priority. It is in our people’s interest to build distinguished relations with the international community, neighboring countries, and the Arab Gulf states. Iraq is a state, not a village.
 

Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi during the parliamentary vote on his government in the Iraqi Parliament (Government Media)

Prime Minister, during the recent war with Iran, Iraq’s relations with the Gulf Cooperation Council states became strained because some attacks on Gulf targets were launched from Iraqi territory...

Specialized committees were formed to verify this matter. We are also awaiting evidence from the relevant authorities in the Gulf states, and we will act accordingly.

We ordered an investigation and instructed all security commanders to confront any attempt to use Iraqi territory to attack neighboring countries.

I urge, however, that the present not be judged through the lens of the past. We found this situation already in place when we assumed responsibility.

You have plans to visit Washington in the middle of next month. There will certainly be other visits as well...

We have received numerous invitations to visit brotherly and friendly countries, including France, Britain, and Germany.

The visits that will take priority because of the importance of joint work will be to the Republic of Türkiye, the Islamic Republic of Iran, and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, following the visit to Washington.

What do you expect from the Washington visit? Are we exaggerating if we say that Iraq is passing through a suffocating financial crisis?

That description is inaccurate. State employees’ salaries are secured and are being paid regularly. We are extremely keen to ensure that.

When our government took office, total debt stood at around 208 trillion Iraqi dinars. The budget depends on oil for 93 percent of its revenues, while non-oil revenues account for 7 percent.

My view of the Iraqi economy is that it is witnessing a struggle between two different spheres: an old economy that refuses to die and a modern economy whose birth is proving difficult.

Our economic philosophy is to move forcefully toward a market economy and free ourselves from the old economic model. That is the theoretical aspect.

In practical terms, however, we face a large body of conflicting legislation. We have old resolutions dating back to the dissolved Revolutionary Command Council that were drafted according to a socialist mentality that is no longer effective.

The Iraqi constitution, by contrast, is founded on economic freedom.

We have launched a major effort to change inherited legislation. The cabinet will complete this work in the coming days and send it to parliament.

We are also moving ahead with the establishment of an Energy and Development Fund, to which the Central Bank of Iraq will contribute. It will be offered for public subscription.

We will invite Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar to participate in the fund. We will also invite US and European funds and banks.

The fund will focus on development, industry, agriculture and all the sectors needed by our people.

How did your government manage public finances during the crisis caused by the closure of the Strait of Hormuz? Did you rely on borrowing from the Central Bank and drawing down reserves?

We discounted bills of exchange and borrowed from commercial banks and the Central Bank of Iraq.

Iraq’s position toward OPEC has generated considerable controversy. It is clear that Iraq wants a larger production quota. How do you balance increasing production with preserving oil prices?

I would like to address those concerned at OPEC.

Iraq entered a war in 1980. After eight years, it emerged with debts exceeding $100 billion.

It later became involved in the occupation of Kuwait and emerged with debts exceeding $200 billion.

After 2003, terrorism took root on our territory, and we suffered from instability.

Iraqis then fought the terrorist organization ISIS, not only in defense of Iraq but on behalf of the entire region.

Had ISIS managed to seize Iraq, the national security of neighboring countries and the wider region would have been threatened.

That war caused nearly $400 billion in infrastructure losses. To this day, thousands of Iraqis have not returned to their home areas and destroyed houses. This reality must be taken into consideration.

Iraq’s population has also reached 47 million, while our quota stands at 3.4 million barrels per day.

These facts must be incorporated into the criteria used to determine and distribute OPEC quotas.

We are therefore seeking a fair mechanism of distribution that does not prejudice the rights of Iraq and the Iraqi people.

Some forecasts suggested that Iraq might enter a borrowing program with the International Monetary Fund or the World Bank. Is that possibility still under consideration?

With the resumption of navigation and exports through the Gulf and the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz, those financial options have been abandoned. There is no longer any need for them.

Washington withheld shipments of physical dollars to Iraq for certain reasons. Do you expect this problem to be resolved with the US president?

They were precautionary measures and were not intended as leverage in return for specific demands.

There were concerns regarding physical cash. We explained to the US side the mechanisms and channels through which these funds move.

The issue has been resolved, and the cash shipments have arrived.
 

Members of the Saraya al-Salam cheer during a ceremony marking the start of the process of handing over their weapons to Iraqi state forces in Samarra, north of Baghdad, Iraq, Thursday, June 4, 2026. (AP Photo/Anmar Khalil)

Has the government negotiated with factions that reject confining arms to the state? What if their rejection becomes final after the withdrawal? Would the government be forced to confront them?

Let us state this clearly: there is no force other than the force of the state, and we will use the force of law to impose it.

There will be no weapons other than the weapons of the state.

Some view the plan to confine arms to the state as little more than a symbolic measure adopted to accommodate political forces.

If we listen to the skeptics, we will never reach a result.

As for the factions, they are ideologically driven groups. We believe that their publicly declared acceptance of giving up their weapons is an important and significant beginning.

In reality, we have received various types of weapons from Saraya al-Salam, Asaib Ahl al-Haq and Kataib Imam Ali.

More important than the handover of weapons, however, is severing the relationship between a faction and the fighters under its command.

The weapons of these factions are now effectively in the custody of the state. Only a small quantity remains.

A mechanism will soon begin for handing over the remaining weapons to the armed forces.

This file will be addressed in its entirety. Nothing is stronger than the state.

We believe that resistance is a necessity, not a profession, and the need for it has ended.

We will not accept the existence of a state within the state.
 

Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi during his meeting with US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad on June 16, 2026 (Government Media)

What did US envoy Tom Barrack ask of you?

He made no demands.

We discussed the suspension of operations by some US companies because of bureaucratic obstacles, and we facilitated the procedures needed by those companies.

Do you believe that the United States is genuinely prepared to support your government’s plans?

I have spoken by telephone with President Donald Trump once.

Yes, we sensed a willingness to provide support. Naturally, we place Iraq’s interests first in every step we take.

Some have accepted concessions because they had financial objectives. That is not the case with us.

Prime Minister, have the political forces pledged to facilitate your mission?

Yes, certainly.

I had previously been offered the premiership twice and turned it down on both occasions.

Is there a person who had a particular influence on you?

Yes. I was deeply influenced by my late father, who always took me with him.

He detested injustice and warned me against angering the Lord, who does not accept injustice against His servants.

How would you describe your relations with Syria and President al-Sharaa?

They are moving toward becoming good relations.

The foreign minister will visit them soon, and President al-Sharaa called to congratulate me.

We are moving toward greater economic openness and cooperation for the benefit of our two brotherly peoples.
 

Interviews

Turkish Transport Minister to Asharq Al-Awsat: Costs and Financing of Türkiye- Saudi Arabia Rail Corridor to Be Finalized by Year-end

Turkish Transport and Infrastructure Minister Abdulkadir Uraloglu. (Ministry)
Turkish Transport and Infrastructure Minister Abdulkadir Uraloglu. (Ministry)
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Turkish Transport Minister to Asharq Al-Awsat: Costs and Financing of Türkiye- Saudi Arabia Rail Corridor to Be Finalized by Year-end

Turkish Transport and Infrastructure Minister Abdulkadir Uraloglu. (Ministry)
Turkish Transport and Infrastructure Minister Abdulkadir Uraloglu. (Ministry)

Türkiye aims to finalize costs, investment needs and financing arrangements for a strategic rail corridor linking Saudi Arabia and Türkiye by the end of 2026, Turkish Transport and Infrastructure Minister Abdulkadir Uraloglu said.

Uraloglu told Asharq Al-Awsat that technical teams were completing detailed studies for the project, which he said had strong backing from Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

He said Türkiye had reached understandings with Jordan and Syria to rehabilitate about 400 km (250 miles) of damaged rail infrastructure and position the route as a secure alternative for Gulf and global supply chains amid tensions around the Strait of Hormuz.

The minister said the corridor could become a new trade link between the Gulf and Europe, supporting regional connectivity and integrating with broader transport networks. Saudi Arabia and Türkiye signed memorandums of understanding on railways and logistics earlier this month.

Facilitating border crossings and passport procedures

On the passport and border-crossing procedures between the two countries, the Minister said: “At this stage, our priority agenda is the establishment of physical infrastructure and the completion of missing links. However, since we are also considering this line in the long term not only for freight transport but also for passenger transport, border-crossing processes are also important.

"Our objective is to establish a safe, fast and effective system. In this regard, we have introduced certain new arrangements. We extended the duration of driver visas from 15 days to 1 year. We also ensured that the required documents were rearranged in a way that allows faster procedures. Therefore, we are rapidly carrying out improvements in passport and border crossings.”

Uraloglu said the project's final implementation model and participating companies would be determined once the ongoing technical studies are completed. He said Türkiye has some of the world's strongest engineering and construction capabilities in the transport sector and, if the project proceeds as planned, Turkish firms are expected to play a leading role in the transcontinental corridor.

The Jordan-Saudi Arabia and Syria-Türkiye Railways

On the Jordan-Saudi Arabia and Syria-Türkiye sections of the proposed rail corridor, Uraloglu said: “We are currently in the period during which technical studies are being carried out most intensively. Our technical teams continue their examinations. It is being determined in which sections renewal will be carried out, which parts will be rebuilt and how much investment will be needed.

“Our primary objective is to clarify the needs along the route and the works that need to be carried out. If we can advance the process as planned, a more concrete framework regarding costs, investment needs and the financing dimension will have emerged by the end of the year. Afterwards, we will work together with the countries concerned on the investment program and implementation plan.”

On the projected financing size of the project he said: “At this stage, it is too early to announce a definite cost figure. First, we need to determine precisely the investments that need to be made. Once the technical studies are completed, a clearer financial picture will emerge”.

Leadership will and flexible financing alternatives

The Minister stressed that “the most important element here, even before financing, is political will. Our President, H.E. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and His Royal Highness Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman have demonstrated a strong will to realize this project. For us, this is the most valuable element.

"Because once political will and a common vision are put forward, financing models can also be developed. Public resources, international financial institutions, different investment models and joint financing options can be considered.

"Therefore, our priority is to complete the technical studies and put forward a clear project. Afterwards, the financing model will be shaped as a result of assessments to be made among the countries concerned”.

Transport is a strategic security factor

In his geopolitical assessment, the Turkish minister said the pandemic, regional conflicts and global crises of recent years had underscored a clear and unambiguous reality, “transport corridors are not only economic instruments, but also strategic security elements. Connectivity has therefore become central to cooperation between countries.”

He noted that the sustainability of global trade, energy supply security and supply chains depends on strong transport networks.

He added: “With its strategic location at the crossroads of Europe, Asia and Africa, Türkiye stands at the center of regional and global trade networks. Saudi Arabia, for its part, stands out as one of the most important economic powers in the Gulf region. Therefore, cooperation between the two countries in the field of transport will not only strengthen relations between Ankara and Riyadh; it will also contribute to the trade and logistics structure of a wide geography extending from the Gulf to Europe and from the Mediterranean to the Black Sea.

“Relations between Türkiye and Saudi Arabia have gained significant momentum in recent years. The strong will demonstrated by our President, H.E. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, His Majesty King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud and His Royal Highness Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has placed cooperation between the two countries on a much broader and more strategic footing. At the point we have reached today, we see that a common vision has emerged not only in trade and investment, but also in areas that will shape the future, such as transport, logistics, energy and connectivity.”

Beyond the rails: A technological and digital partnership

The Minister added: “In this context, we see significant opportunities particularly in the railway sector. With the Memoranda of Understanding we signed in Riyadh, we established a common basis for cooperation in many areas, including cooperation in the railway sector, the development of logistics services, transport technologies, digitalization, maintenance and operation processes, safety and security practices, and training activities.

“We are planning not only for today's needs, but also for the transport systems of the future. For this reason, we are working on new railway connections that will link the Gulf region to Europe via Türkiye. We are carrying out technical studies on a route that will start from Saudi Arabia, reach Türkiye via Jordan and Syria, and from there be integrated into the European railway network. Once this line is realized, it will be possible to transport cargo from the Gulf region to Europe more rapidly, more safely and more sustainably.

“The Memoranda of Understanding we signed in Riyadh actually cover not only technical cooperation regarding a railway line, but also a much broader perspective. Railway technologies, logistics services, digitalization, maintenance and operation processes, safety and security practices, training activities and technical knowledge sharing are among the many areas included within the scope of this cooperation”.

Regional Agreement with Syria and Jordan

Regarding the nature of the understanding with the Syrian and Jordanian sides on the railway connection, the Minister told Asharq Al-Awsat: “By its nature, this project is a regional connectivity project that concerns not only Türkiye and Saudi Arabia, but also the other countries located along the route. Our objective is to establish an uninterrupted railway corridor starting from the Gulf region and extending to Türkiye via Jordan and Syria, and from there to Europe. In this context, we have reached an understanding with both Syria and Jordan on the development of the corridor.

“Today, there is significant railway infrastructure on the Saudi Arabian side extending as far as the Jordanian border. On the Turkish side, our railway network reaches the Gaziantep, Kilis and İslahiye region. Therefore, one of the focal points of the project is the condition of the connections in the Syrian and Jordanian sections.

“The assessments conducted indicate that renewal, rehabilitation and new investments are needed in an approximately 400-kilometer section in Syria and Jordan. In some sections, improvement of the existing lines will be sufficient, while in some other sections new infrastructure investments will need to be implemented.

“For this reason, our priority is to clearly identify the current condition of the line, its needs and investment requirements. We aim to determine by the end of the year the works that need to be carried out, the costs and the applicable models.

“We see this project not only as a transport investment, but as a strategic initiative that will connect the countries of the region more strongly with one another. Syria and Jordan are also natural and important parts of this corridor. Once the corridor is completed, it will provide significant gains not only in terms of freight transport, but also in terms of trade, logistics and regional economic mobility”.

Geopolitical alternatives

According to Uraloglu, “Developments in recent years have shown us how fragile transport systems can be. We saw this during the pandemic. We saw it during regional conflicts. Most recently, developments in the Gulf region and tensions around the Strait of Hormuz once again revealed the same reality.

“With this understanding, Türkiye has been developing major projects in recent years to strengthen international connectivity. While the Middle Corridor offers a reliable and effective alternative for trade flows extending from China to Europe, the Development Road Project aims to create a new logistics backbone that will connect the Arabian Gulf to Europe via Türkiye.

“We see the Saudi Arabia-Türkiye Railway Project as one of the complementary elements of this major vision. Starting from the Gulf region and extending to Europe via Jordan, Syria and Türkiye, this line will support existing transport networks and further strengthen regional connectivity.

“This project is not only a regional initiative. When considered together with the Middle Corridor, the Development Road and other transport networks, it has the potential to affect the trade structure of a wide geography extending from Europe to the Gulf and from the Middle East to Asia. Our aim is to contribute to making global trade safer, more uninterrupted and more resilient by creating corridors that are not alternatives to one another, but complementary to one another”.

The Turkish minister went on, highlighting his country’s readiness: “Thanks to Marmaray, the Baku-Tbilisi-Kars Railway Line and other strategic investments we have implemented in recent years, we have established a strong railway connection between Asia and Europe. In addition, our investments such as the railway line that will pass over the Yavuz Sultan Selim Bridge and the Halkalı-Kapıkule High-Speed Railway Project, which is under construction, will further strengthen Türkiye's railway integration with Europe.

“On the one hand, construction of more than 4,000 kilometers of high-speed railway lines is continuing in our country; on the other hand, we are increasing the capacity of our railway corridors extending to Europe. In this way, Türkiye is becoming a much stronger hub in railway transport between Asia and Europe”.

Dimensions of integration and Europe’s gains

On expanding the network, Uraloglu said the project is taking shape in its first phase between Saudi Arabia, Türkiye, Jordan and Syria, but bilateral talks and discussions have included the possibility of extending the line in future phases to incorporate other Gulf states such as Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait and Oman.

He stressed that the real added value of the corridor lies in its exceptional ability to connect directly to Europe’s unified railway network via Türkiye.

Regarding the geoeconomic returns for the European side, Uraloglu said Europe’s main gain lies in establishing a more direct and secure logistical and commercial link with the Gulf region, particularly as Gulf Cooperation Council states are among the most important strategic partners for the European continent in the energy, petrochemicals and diversified industrial goods sectors, in addition to the scale of major mutual investments between the two sides, making bilateral trade flows more regular and more predictable.

In addition, Europe has in recent years been seeking to make its supply chains shorter, safer and more diversified. This corridor that we are trying to develop may also be considered a new route that increases Europe's connectivity options. The issue here is not only cost; it is speed, predictability and accessibility”.

In conclusion, he told Asharq Al-Awsat that the project’s real impact on logistics costs will only be clear once the final technical design and expected traffic volumes are known. However, he expressed confidence that the project will deliver major economic and development benefits for both the region and Europe, strengthening trade, investment, and regional economic integration over the long term.

 

Interviews

Safer CEO: Company Ready to Resume LNG Exports

Safer’s CEO said the company is ready to resume liquefied natural gas exports (Asharq Al-Awsat). 
Safer’s CEO said the company is ready to resume liquefied natural gas exports (Asharq Al-Awsat). 
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Safer CEO: Company Ready to Resume LNG Exports

Safer’s CEO said the company is ready to resume liquefied natural gas exports (Asharq Al-Awsat). 
Safer’s CEO said the company is ready to resume liquefied natural gas exports (Asharq Al-Awsat). 

As Yemen’s energy sector continues to grapple with the effects of war and a steep decline in foreign investment, Safer Exploration & Production Operations Company — the country’s largest oil and gas producer — has unveiled plans to expand the use of its hydrocarbon resources.

These plans include introducing compressed natural gas as a fuel for vehicles and households and studying the development of potential shale oil reserves.

In an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, Safer Chief Executive Officer Salem Kaiti said the company is technically prepared to resume production and exports of liquefied natural gas (LNG) whenever the government authorizes the move and security and political conditions permit.

He added that any restart would be gradual and would follow the rehabilitation and maintenance of selected wells and facilities.

According to Kaiti, Safer currently produces about 15,000 barrels of oil per day and 1.6 trillion cubic feet of natural gas, down from approximately 32,000 barrels per day and 2.2 trillion cubic feet before the war.

He attributed the decline to the suspension of development, drilling, and exploration activities, as well as the departure of several foreign companies from Yemen’s energy sector.

The executive also revealed that Safer is studying a strategic project to develop compressed natural gas (CNG) based on methane gas as a lower-cost alternative to transportation fuels and household cooking gas.

Yemen possesses substantial methane reserves, he said, but the project would require significant investment in infrastructure, transportation networks, and distribution stations.

In addition, Safer is examining opportunities in unconventional oil resources, including shale oil. Preliminary studies conducted by oilfield services company Schlumberger indicated promising signs of significant reserves, according to Kaiti.

However, confirming those estimates and developing the resource commercially would require advanced technologies and partnerships with specialized international companies.

Kaiti also expressed interest in building future cooperation with Saudi Aramco⁠, particularly in training, workforce development, and benefiting from the company’s expertise across the energy sector.

Maintaining Operations During Wartime

Kaiti stressed that Safer has operated under extraordinary conditions throughout years of conflict and economic instability. Despite security and financial challenges, the company’s workforce has managed to keep critical facilities in the oil-producing governorate of Marib running and prevent significant deterioration.

Operations have been strained by prolonged interruptions to exports, aging infrastructure, and the withdrawal of many foreign service companies. Nevertheless, Safer continued maintenance programs for wells and production facilities, preserved output levels, and maintained supplies of petroleum products and cooking gas to the domestic market.

Among the company’s most significant achievements, Kaiti cited the relocation of Safer’s headquarters and financial center from areas controlled by the Houthis to Marib in early 2017.

The company also resumed oil exports in October 2019 through truck transport to facilities operated by YCOM, with shipments eventually reaching the Port of Nushaymah on the Arabian Sea. Between 2019 and 2022, total exports reached approximately 8.6 million barrels.

Safer also succeeded in returning 17 inactive wells to production. Between 2023 and 2025, those efforts generated cumulative output of 554,000 barrels of oil and 52 billion cubic feet of gas.

In December 2024, the company restarted production from the Al-Wahda-2 well using electric submersible pump technology, which Kaiti described as the first step toward wider deployment of the technology across other wells.

The company resumed well-maintenance operations in May 2018 after a three-year halt. According to Kaiti, some wells faced serious technical risks that could have resulted in accidents or gas leaks, but engineering teams successfully addressed the problems.

Other accomplishments include launching production of improved gasoline for the local market, constructing a 55,000-barrel crude oil storage tank at the central processing facility, paving a 40-kilometer road linking Safer and Al-Ruwaik, and supporting development projects in education and healthcare across Marib.

War-Driven Production Decline

Before the conflict, Safer’s production stood at approximately 32,000 barrels of oil per day and 2.2 trillion cubic feet of natural gas. Today, those figures have fallen to around 15,000 barrels per day and 1.6 trillion cubic feet, respectively.

Kaiti attributed the decline to the natural depletion of mature fields, the suspension of field-development programs, halted drilling and exploration activities, weak maintenance programs, and the departure of foreign companies because of the war.

Given current conditions, he said the company’s priority is to stabilize production and prevent further declines until circumstances allow larger development projects to resume.

Workforce and Economic Role

Kaiti described Safer as one of the pillars of Yemen’s economy, citing its role in supplying domestic markets with cooking gas, gasoline, and diesel, while contributing to government revenues and employment.

The company also provides fuel for power stations, helping maintain electricity supplies in Marib and other governorates. Approximately 99 percent of Safer’s workforce is Yemeni, with the company employing around 1,000 people, in addition to hundreds of workers employed by contractors from across the country.

Future Projects: Shale Oil and CNG

Looking ahead, Safer has developed both short- and long-term exploration and development plans aimed at increasing and sustaining production and identifying new reserves. Their implementation, however, remains dependent on security and financial conditions.

Planned initiatives include drilling new development and exploration wells, launching projects to produce and process heavy crude oil and asphalt, and expanding the use of gas-lift systems and electric submersible pumps.

The company is also studying projects to process hydrogen sulfide gas in several fields and install specialized equipment to improve the quality of oil and gas production.

Kaiti emphasized that developing shale oil resources would require partnerships with international firms possessing advanced technology and expertise, given the high costs and technical complexity involved.

LNG Exports Could Resume Gradually

On the prospect of restarting LNG exports, Kaiti said Safer has preserved upstream facilities throughout the war and remains technically ready to resume production and exports once political and security conditions improve and the government gives its approval.

Any restart would be gradual, he noted, because some wells and facilities require maintenance and rehabilitation after years of inactivity. Extended shutdowns have affected portions of the company’s equipment and surface installations.

Kaiti also voiced hope that foreign companies that left Yemen during the conflict would eventually return. While some have already resumed activities through Yemeni staff, others continue to monitor the security situation before deciding whether to re-enter the market.