Iran and its Iraqi Proxies Escalate Actions against Kadhimi Govt.

Iraqi demonstrators wave flags during the ongoing anti-government protests in Baghdad, Iraq November 1, 2019. (Reuters)
Iraqi demonstrators wave flags during the ongoing anti-government protests in Baghdad, Iraq November 1, 2019. (Reuters)
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Iran and its Iraqi Proxies Escalate Actions against Kadhimi Govt.

Iraqi demonstrators wave flags during the ongoing anti-government protests in Baghdad, Iraq November 1, 2019. (Reuters)
Iraqi demonstrators wave flags during the ongoing anti-government protests in Baghdad, Iraq November 1, 2019. (Reuters)

Two weeks ago, it was rumored that the United States and Iran had struck some form of “truce” on Iraq after they had implicitly agreed to Mustafa al-Kadhimi’s nomination as prime minister.

This led to the belief that the Americans and Iranians wanted to avoid placing obstacles for his government to allow it to tackle the country’s crises, such as the rampant corruption and regional and international conflicts that have been playing out on its territories for over 15 years.

Some recent developments have, however, dashed such beliefs. Iran’s militia proxies in Iraq have in recent days resorted to their “old games” by challenging the government’s authority.

On May 19, armed factions launched Katyusha rockets at the Baghdad’s Green Zone, which is home to several foreign missions. The rockets were launched from an area that is known as a stronghold for pro-Iran factions.

The attack was followed by the factions’ storming of the Saudi-owned MBC television headquarters in a clear move aimed at embarrassing Kadhimi’s government. Moreover, one cannot ignore the hostile campaign Iranian factions waged on social media against Saudi Arabia in wake of a visit paid by Kadhimi’s envoy, Finance Minister Ali Abdulamir Allawi to Riyadh, which was aimed at bolstering bilateral relations.

The campaign is clearly aimed at pressuring the prime minister and impeding his efforts to establish a new stage of cooperation between Iraq and Saudi Arabia.

Furthermore, the pro-Iran factions’ excessive celebrations marking Quds Day on Friday were also aimed at undermining Kadhimi. The organizers raised posters of the Iran’s Khomeini, supreme leader Ali Khamenei, and the leaders of the Houthi militias in Yemen, Hezbollah in Lebanon and Hamas in Gaza – all backed by Tehran – at the event.

Such actions aim to embarrass Kadhimi’s government and demonstrate that it was helpless against stopping foreign meddling in Iraqi affairs.

In yet another sign of defiance of the government, the pro-Iran Thar Allah Islamic Party returned on Saturday back to its headquarters in the southern city of Basra, a week after the security forces had shut it after the group had opened fire against protesters in the vicinity.

Dr. Ihssan Shmary, head of the “Political Thinking Center”, told Asharq Al-Awsat that the factions were clearly seeking to pressure the government.

“The indirect agreement between Washington and Tehran on Kadhimi’s government does not mean that Iran has abandoned its political maneuvers and pressure, especially since it has enough room to exert its pressure through its armed groups in Iraq,” he added.

Iran is being clear in saying to Washington and Baghdad that the calm does not mean that Tehran will in any way set aside its aggression, he remarked.

Kadhimi, he continued, is confronted with the challenge of facing political ideologies that want to impose their vision on the state.

Political science professor at University of Kufa, Dr. Eyad al-Anbar, said the PM and armed groups are trying to maintain their power in the streets.

“They are now both sending each other messages,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat. He predicted that the armed factions will seek to further challenge the government, which in turn realizes that the confrontation is inevitable in order to restore the authority of the state.

“I believe that Iran will try to seek calm at the moment until the results of next month’s American-Iraqi talks emerge,” he said. Tehran thinks that Kadhimi can be used to calm tensions with the US, however, he will be confronted with the choice of either confronting the factions or containing them.

Either option cannot be taken without first consulting with Iran, he explained.



Biden Team, End in Sight, Keeps Hope on Gaza Truce Despite Setbacks

 A view of Gaza during sunset, amid the Israel-Hamas conflict, near the Israel-Gaza border, as seen from Israel, September 5, 2024. (Reuters)
A view of Gaza during sunset, amid the Israel-Hamas conflict, near the Israel-Gaza border, as seen from Israel, September 5, 2024. (Reuters)
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Biden Team, End in Sight, Keeps Hope on Gaza Truce Despite Setbacks

 A view of Gaza during sunset, amid the Israel-Hamas conflict, near the Israel-Gaza border, as seen from Israel, September 5, 2024. (Reuters)
A view of Gaza during sunset, amid the Israel-Hamas conflict, near the Israel-Gaza border, as seen from Israel, September 5, 2024. (Reuters)

A ceasefire agreement in Gaza, an anonymous US official told reporters, is 90 percent ready. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu then swiftly called the assessment inaccurate. But within hours, Secretary of State Antony Blinken insisted that, indeed, 90 percent was done.

President Joe Biden's administration, with a little more than four months left in office, is dialing up its diplomacy for a Gaza deal and remaining publicly optimistic despite weeks of delays and serial setbacks.

A breakthrough could offer a major boost -- a vaunted "October surprise" -- to Biden's heir Kamala Harris in the razor-thin race against Donald Trump for the White House.

Experts, in any case, say the United States has little choice but to keep trying.

Since Israel announced on September 1 that Hamas had killed six hostages, including one with US citizenship, the Biden administration has stressed the urgency of a truce, even as Netanyahu -- heading a fragile far-right government -- has vowed no concessions despite mass protests from Israelis who favor a deal.

Blinken acknowledged that until there is a final "yes" from both sides, the delicately negotiated package to wind down 11 months of bloodshed could break down at any time.

Each day could bring "an intervening event which simply pushes things off and runs the risk of derailing what is a pretty fragile apple cart," Blinken said Thursday.

Biden personally presented a plan on May 31 that would stop fighting for an initial six weeks and see both sides release captives.

The United States, working with Arab mediators Qatar and Egypt, has sought in recent weeks to bridge remaining gaps.

One of the biggest stumbling blocks has been the Gaza border with Egypt, known as the Philadelphi Corridor. Netanyahu has demanded a presence by Israeli troops who seized posts from Hamas.

US mediators are looking at a formula on where and when Israeli troops pull out, with the deal speaking of withdrawal from "densely populated" areas; but they also need to mollify an angry Egypt, the first Arab country to make peace with Israel.

- Electoral calculations -

Despite intensive US diplomacy, a mounting death toll and overwhelming Israeli public support for a deal, both Netanyahu and Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar see their political survival at stake by accepting, said Merissa Khurma, director of the Middle East program at the Wilson Center in Washington.

"I honestly don't see any major breakthrough. I think particularly Netanyahu is very much aware of the US political timeline and the domestic component," she said.

Biden staunchly backed Israel after the October 7 attack by Hamas, the deadliest in the history of Israel, which according to official figures resulted in the deaths of 1,205 people, mostly civilians including some hostages killed in captivity.

Biden has since criticized Israel for not doing more to protect civilians in its relentless military campaign in Hamas-ruled Gaza, where authorities say nearly 40,000 people have died.

Biden, however, has with one exception stopped short of using the ultimate leverage -- curbing the billions of dollars in US weapons to Israel -- thereby angering some on the left of his Democratic Party.

Harris's election rival Donald Trump has had a fraught relationship with Netanyahu, but his Republican Party is overwhelmingly pro-Israel.

The Arab American Institute, which advocates greater support for the Palestinians, said its polling shows that Harris has more to gain than lose from a tougher stand on Israel, while the reverse is true for Trump.

Ghaith al-Omari, a senior fellow at the Washington Institute, agreed that neither Netanyahu nor Hamas appeared interested in closing gaps, and he noted the difficulty of remaining issues.

"Just because we have 90 percent done doesn't mean that we're any closer to a deal," he said.

"I don't believe that the US negotiators are naive. They know the difficulty. But I think what we see right now is an attempt by the US to keep the negotiations alive," said al-Omari, a former Palestinian Authority adviser.

He said the United States also had to keep up its ceasefire push to restore stability in the vital Red Sea and prevent even greater violence in the region, including an all-out Israel-Lebanon war.

"This is the Middle East. It can always get worse, and it usually does," al-Omari said.