The Night West Ham Played Behind Closed Doors

 West Ham play Castilla behind closed doors in the Cup Winners’ Cup in October 1980 after crowd trouble at the first leg in Madrid. Photograph: David Ashdown/Getty Images
West Ham play Castilla behind closed doors in the Cup Winners’ Cup in October 1980 after crowd trouble at the first leg in Madrid. Photograph: David Ashdown/Getty Images
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The Night West Ham Played Behind Closed Doors

 West Ham play Castilla behind closed doors in the Cup Winners’ Cup in October 1980 after crowd trouble at the first leg in Madrid. Photograph: David Ashdown/Getty Images
West Ham play Castilla behind closed doors in the Cup Winners’ Cup in October 1980 after crowd trouble at the first leg in Madrid. Photograph: David Ashdown/Getty Images

At half-time West Ham’s former chairman Len Cearns was sent on a futile mission by his fellow directors. They wanted him to go down to the home dressing room to ask John Lyall if there was any way his team could possibly remember that the foul language being used in the heat of battle was floating away from the pitch, rattling around the empty terraces and causing some discomfort for the people sitting in the posh seats.

“There was a lot of swearing going on in the game,” Alvin Martin says as he recalls West Ham hosting a European tie behind closed doors in the autumn of 1980. “You don’t realise it. You’re communicating in a factory way.”

It is nearly 40 years since Upton Park’s ghost game and Martin, who played in central defence as West Ham reached the second round of the Cup Winners’ Cup by winning the second leg of their tie against Castilla, chuckles when he is asked if his teammates paid any attention to the chairman’s request. “No. In all the years I played with Trevor Brooking he never used a foul word. That was exceptional. But that’s the way we communicated. You can’t just switch that off.”

Broadcasters might want to keep that in mind as English football grapples with the damage caused by the coronavirus pandemic. It is almost inevitable games will be played behind closed doors if the season resumes and it will be challenging for players to adjust. Martin’s teammate David Cross describes it as an eerie experience and remembers finding it hard to summon the usual intensity against Castilla, Real Madrid’s B team.

“You were conscious of your voice echoing around the stadium,” Cross says. “Voices would bounce off the stands and back to you. You didn’t get that bounce back off the crowd. You had to shout very loud on a Saturday afternoon to make sure one of your teammates 15 yards away could hear you. We were used to talking very loudly on the pitch.

“In training sometimes we’d play 11 v 11. Sometimes in our own stadium. We were used to playing football every day with no fans there. It’s just on matchday your fans gave you that atmosphere. I think it took us 15 to 20 minutes to realise we were in a proper match.”

In West Ham’s case it was a one-off, a punishment by Uefa after crowd trouble marred the first leg at the Bernabéu. For Castilla, who had qualified after losing the Copa del Rey final against Real, the Spanish champions, playing at such a famous ground was meant to be the stuff of dreams. In the stands it was anything but. There were ugly scenes in the away end and there was tragedy after the game when a West Ham fan died after being hit by a bus in the chaos outside the ground.

Uefa responded by fining West Ham £7,750 and ordering them to play their next two European home games at least 187 miles away from Upton Park. Sunderland’s Roker Park was one possibility for the second leg, while Martin remembers talk of the second leg taking place in Middlesbrough. Cross says the players were told they may have to play in France.

After an appeal by West Ham, Uefa decided to stage the game at Upton Park with no supporters present. There was also no live coverage on television and the official attendance was 262. “We would have relied on the fans at Upton Park, especially on a midweek game under the floodlights,” Martin says. Cross was more upbeat. “Playing at Upton Park was still an advantage for us, even if we didn’t have our fans, which is usually worth a goal,” the former striker says. “We were on familiar territory.”

Steve Bacon, West Ham’s former club photographer, was one of the 262. “There were lots of fans milling outside,” he says. “I was in the stadium and because there was no crowd we were able to wander round as we wanted. I went up the back of the North Bank and did the pictures from there. You could hear the players shouting to each other.

“Eddie Baily, one of John Lyall’s backroom staff, was a bit foul-mouthed. I can remember him effing and blinding above anything else in the ground. I could also hear Bryan Butler doing the commentary on BBC radio.”

West Ham had lost the first leg 3-1, but while they were in Division Two, they were dangerous on their day. They had beaten Arsenal in the FA Cup final that year and they saw off Castilla. Geoff Pike pulled an early goal back and although a stunning goal from Bernal, Castilla’s captain, took the game into extra time, a Cross hat-trick sealed a 5-1 win.

“I wonder if it will slow the pace down,” Martin says. “The atmosphere generates adrenaline in a player and everything becomes quicker. Players go that little bit harder into a tackle or run that little bit further and are absolutely aware that every little challenge in the game can determine the result.

“Will we see referees having an easier time? The language between the players and the referee will be much more noticeable. I think you’ll see an improvement in behaviour towards officials.

“For us it was a novelty. But playing behind closed doors will be more difficult over time. These players have been used to playing in front of 60,000 people. It will be something totally unknown to them. But the main thing is everybody will be geared up to getting results. The competitive edge will take over.”

The Guardian Sport



Worn Banknotes, Tobacco Taxes: How Hamas Pays Its Members

Palestinians shop amid the rubble in Khan Younis in southern Gaza, February last year (DPA)
Palestinians shop amid the rubble in Khan Younis in southern Gaza, February last year (DPA)
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Worn Banknotes, Tobacco Taxes: How Hamas Pays Its Members

Palestinians shop amid the rubble in Khan Younis in southern Gaza, February last year (DPA)
Palestinians shop amid the rubble in Khan Younis in southern Gaza, February last year (DPA)

More than two months after a fragile ceasefire between Israel and Hamas took effect in Gaza, the group has steadily reasserted some security control in areas under its authority. Yet for Gaza’s residents, daily economic hardship and deteriorating living conditions show little sign of easing.

Hamas’s popular base, made up of its members, their families, and supporters, remains a key pillar of its strength. Nearly two years of war with Israel have partially disrupted the group’s ability to consistently pay salaries.

During the war, Israel sought to dry up Hamas’s financial network by killing figures responsible for transferring money inside Gaza, as well as raiding currency exchange companies in the occupied West Bank that Israeli authorities said were linked to Palestinian factions.

According to field sources and Hamas officials who spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat, the group faced difficulties and delays in paying salaries regularly at leadership, field and other levels due to security conditions.

It has since resumed partial payments to all its members, including leaders and fighters from the Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades, Hamas’s armed wing, while paying lower rates to its preaching and social apparatus, described as civilian elements.

Where does Hamas get its money?

Sources agree that Hamas has managed to preserve some of its financial resources, including commercial activities inside and outside Gaza. One Hamas source said these business revenues generate income for the group alongside funds received from supporting parties such as Iran and others.

They added that such external support fluctuates, sometimes declining, increasing or arriving with delays for reasons related to the donors.

The source said Hamas faces growing difficulties in transferring funds into Gaza, forcing those overseeing salary payments to rely on whatever cash remains accessible in their reserves or to collect revenues from their own commercial sources.

How are salaries paid?

Sources who receive some of these payments told Asharq Al-Awsat, on condition of anonymity, that salaries and stipends were sometimes paid regularly each month but were also delayed by periods ranging from six weeks to two months.

A Hamas source said salary rates varied and did not exceed 80 percent at best, particularly for leaders and operatives in the Qassam Brigades and at the political level.

Lower percentages were paid to the preaching and social apparatus and other bodies, alongside allocations for activities aimed at supporting the population and what the group calls its popular base.

The source said the lowest rates were paid to government employees at both civilian and military levels, reaching 60 percent at most before declining in recent months to around 35 percent.

Several sources said Hamas continues to pay stipends to the families of its members and leaders killed over decades of its activities, as well as to prisoners and wounded fighters.

They added that the group also supports families whose salaries were cut by the Palestinian Authority, continues to provide social assistance and allocates funds to projects aimed at supporting its popular base, including food aid, water provision and communal kitchens, in coordination with foreign institutions.

Asked how salaries are delivered, Hamas sources said payments are made through tight networks and by hand to avoid Israeli monitoring of electronic wallets and banks.

Worn banknotes and tobacco taxes

As Hamas relies on manual delivery, questions remain over how it secures cash under Israel’s blockade. A Hamas source said the process was complex and could not be disclosed for security reasons.

Local sources outside Hamas said the group depends heavily on traders to obtain cash, alongside its existing cash reserves and revenues from businesses it operates.

One source said Hamas often pays worn banknotes to government employees in particular, and to a lesser extent to Qassam fighters and political figures. This forces recipients to manage on their own as most traders refuse to accept damaged or worn currency.

Hamas has encouraged some small traders, especially fruit and vegetable sellers, to accept such notes in exchange for continued support and access to goods at lower prices.

Another source said Hamas has imposed taxes on certain goods, such as tobacco products, to raise funds, noting that most cigarette traders deal in cash rather than electronic wallets, which many Gaza residents now rely on.

Israeli accusations against Iran

On Dec. 7, Israel accused Iran of supporting what it described as a banking network transferring hundreds of thousands of dollars to Hamas. Israel said the network consisted of Gaza-based money changers residing in Türkiye who exploit the country’s financial infrastructure for what it called terrorist purposes.

According to Israel, the network operated in full cooperation with the Iranian regime, transferring funds to Hamas and its leaders and managing wide ranging economic activity involving receiving money from Iran, storing it and transferring it to Hamas via Türkiye.

Israel published the identities of three individuals, including an official in Hamas’s financial apparatus and two money changers from Gaza, claiming they worked under the direction of Khalil al-Hayya.

Sources familiar with the two men told Asharq Al-Awsat they have lived outside Gaza for many years.

One was known to work with various Palestinian factions and had previously smuggled funds for them, including through tunnels along the Egyptian border, while also operating as a businessman in multiple fields beyond currency exchange.

Hamas sources dismissed the accusations as baseless, saying the group has its own methods for transferring funds.

They said Hamas often faces difficulties moving money from abroad into Gaza, a problem that also affects the West Bank due to Israeli pursuit and Palestinian Authority security pressure, though conditions there are better than in Gaza for transferring funds.

Sources from other Palestinian factions said they are also suffering financial crises and difficulties paying salaries and stipends to their members and leaders.

They said they sometimes distribute food aid and other assistance to help their members and families cope with harsh economic conditions, with most of the support coming through institutions backed by Iran or other parties.


King Salman Center Sets Up Camps for Displaced Gaza Residents


The King Salman Humanitarian Aid and Relief Center has established the largest displacement camp in Deir al-Balah, as displaced people struggle with the impact of war and cold weather (KSrelief)
The King Salman Humanitarian Aid and Relief Center has established the largest displacement camp in Deir al-Balah, as displaced people struggle with the impact of war and cold weather (KSrelief)
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King Salman Center Sets Up Camps for Displaced Gaza Residents


The King Salman Humanitarian Aid and Relief Center has established the largest displacement camp in Deir al-Balah, as displaced people struggle with the impact of war and cold weather (KSrelief)
The King Salman Humanitarian Aid and Relief Center has established the largest displacement camp in Deir al-Balah, as displaced people struggle with the impact of war and cold weather (KSrelief)

Saudi Arabia’s King Salman Humanitarian Aid and Relief Center (KSrelief) said it has set up the largest displacement camp in Deir al-Balah in Gaza, as thousands of Palestinians displaced by the war grapple with harsh winter conditions brought by a cold and rainy weather system this week.

Fahad Al-Osaimi, the center’s director of emergency relief, told Asharq Al-Awsat that the camp is sheltering more than 200 displaced families, with the number of beneficiaries exceeding 2,000 women, children and elderly people whose homes and tents were damaged or destroyed by the war and recent weather conditions.

He said the center is currently operating under a rapid response mechanism to appeals received by its operations and emergency room in the Gaza Strip.

Al-Osaimi said two fully equipped camps were completed this week, and that preparations are underway to establish several additional camps in coordination with relevant United Nations agencies, based on assessed needs on the ground.

He said the camp is playing a critical role in providing refuge to hundreds of families whose tents were flooded or collapsed due to heavy rainfall, offering safer shelter that helps mitigate humanitarian risks, particularly for children, women and the elderly.

Al-Osaimi said the center’s efforts extend beyond emergency shelter, noting that work is ongoing to establish organized camps that meet international humanitarian response standards and to ensure they are supplied with essential services.

These services include blankets, shelter materials, clothing for women and children, sanitation facilities such as toilets, hygiene kits and cleaning supplies, in addition to other forms of relief assistance as needs arise.

He said the interventions form part of KSrelief’s sustained efforts to alleviate the suffering of displaced people in the Gaza Strip and bolster their resilience amid severe humanitarian and weather conditions.

The deteriorating weather has coincided with growing uncertainty over the future of the ceasefire agreement and the possibility of moving to its second phase. According to local and international organizations, living conditions for displaced people continue to worsen.

Against this backdrop, the establishment of the largest displacement camp in Deir al-Balah marks a fresh chapter in Saudi Arabia’s emergency response to Palestinians, particularly Gaza residents, since the outbreak of the war following Oct. 7, 2023, providing lifelines to more than 2,000 people facing mounting challenges.


Egypt FM Banks on Trump for Implementation of Gaza Deal, Blames Israel for Impasse

Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Egypt FM Banks on Trump for Implementation of Gaza Deal, Blames Israel for Impasse

Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty (Asharq Al-Awsat)

After Egypt’s Foreign Ministry launched a white paper outlining the principle of strategic balance in Egyptian diplomacy, Asharq Al-Awsat spoke to Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty on a broad range of regional crises in which Cairo is engaged as a mediator, partner and diplomatic actor.

Abdelatty described relations between Egypt and Saudi Arabia as exceptionally strong and enduring, revealing that preparations are under way for the first meeting of the Egyptian-Saudi Supreme Coordination Council, to be attended by President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.

He said coordination between Cairo and Riyadh spans key regional files, including Gaza and Red Sea security, stressing that Egypt and Saudi Arabia are the two wings of the Arab and Islamic nations and that neither can function effectively without the other.

On Gaza, Abdelatty placed responsibility on Israel for the failure to move to the second phase of the ceasefire agreement with Hamas, linking the impasse to what he described as lack of Israeli commitment to the plan put forward by US President Donald Trump.

He said the first phase had been implemented in full except for one body of an Israeli hostage still missing beneath vast amounts of rubble and unexploded ordnance left by Israel’s assault.

Egypt, he added, is counting on Washington to ensure enforcement of the agreement and a transition to the second phase, despite ongoing Israeli violations of the ceasefire.

He stressed the need to consolidate the truce and implement all obligations of the second phase, including Israeli redeployment and withdrawal from Gaza, in line with the plan and with UN Security Council Resolution 2803.

Abdelatty said Egypt is actively engaged on the temporary transitional arrangements referenced in the resolution, adding that Cairo is ready and that sustained pressure is needed to move forward.

Abdelatty said in the interview with Asharq Al-Awsat that Egypt remains in constant contact with the US, which he described as fully invested in translating the plan into reality.

As one of eight Arab and Islamic states that met the US president in New York on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly and endorsed his vision, Egypt has presented proposals aligned with Arab and Islamic positions.

He described the dialogue with Washington as positive and ongoing at political, security and intelligence levels.

On the proposed International Stabilization Force in Gaza, Abdelatty said discussions with Washington were serious and constructive, but stressed that the force must be tasked with peacekeeping, not peace enforcement.

This means it would focus on monitoring adherence to the ceasefire and assisting with the operation of border crossings, while internal security and law enforcement should remain the responsibility of the Palestinian police.

He reiterated Egypt’s call for a technocratic committee to manage civilian affairs in Gaza, noting that Cairo has submitted a list of 15 names agreed upon by Palestinian factions.

Egypt supports the formation of an international force, Abdelatty said, and is prepared to provide logistical and technical support and participate in command and control structures.

On Hamas’ weapons, he said restricting and handing over arms is an issue that should be resolved through intra-Palestinian dialogue, potentially through a gradual handover process.

Egypt has also proposed a comprehensive plan for Gaza’s reconstruction and expressed readiness to host an international funding conference. Abdelatty said Cairo is coordinating closely with Washington and has held recent talks with Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner.

Discussions are continuing to determine the timing and venue of the conference.

As for Egypt’s efforts to end the conflict in Sudan, Abdelatty said they remain uncompromising. Cairo is driven by a commitment to preserving state institutions, unity and territorial integrity in Sudan, he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Egypt is also working with Saudi Arabia, the UAE and the US within an international quartet, while coordinating with the UN to facilitate humanitarian access, mobilize aid and establish safe zones.

Britain and Qatar, he said, have expressed readiness to contribute.

Abdelatty also stressed that there is no military solution to the crisis in Sudan.

On Libya, he warned against entrenching the east-west split and called for unifying state institutions, particularly military and security bodies, to enable simultaneous presidential and parliamentary elections.

He reaffirmed Egypt’s rejection of the Turkish-Libyan maritime memorandum, while confirming continued dialogue with both sides. He called for foreign forces to withdraw and militias to be dismantled.

Abdelatty said relations with Türkiye are improving despite differences. In the Horn of Africa, he denied that Egypt’s support for Somalia targets Ethiopia, and said Cairo will join a peacekeeping mission to combat terrorism.

He also stressed that Red Sea governance belongs exclusively to littoral states.

On the Nile dam dispute, Abdelatty said talks with Ethiopia have reached a dead end, warning Egypt reserves its right to self-defense if its water security is harmed.

He also reaffirmed Egypt’s support for stability in Syria and Lebanon, condemning Israeli violations of Syrian sovereignty and pledging continued diplomatic efforts to shield Lebanon from escalation.