Coronavirus, Sanctions Hit Iran’s Support of Iraq Proxies

A PMF member in Iraq. Reuters file photo
A PMF member in Iraq. Reuters file photo
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Coronavirus, Sanctions Hit Iran’s Support of Iraq Proxies

A PMF member in Iraq. Reuters file photo
A PMF member in Iraq. Reuters file photo

Iran’s financial and military support for its proxy paramilitary groups in Iraq, a linchpin of its regional foreign policy, has been dramatically disrupted by the coronavirus pandemic and US sanctions, according to people familiar with the matter.

Interruptions caused by the virus, including border closings to prevent the spread of the disease, have drastically cut Tehran’s cash supplies to the militia groups in recent months, said three Iraqi paramilitary group commanders and a regional official familiar with Iran’s activities in Iraq.

The funds from Iran are typically allocated for military operations related to the paramilitary groups’ activities such as fighting Iran’s opponents, including attacks against US targets, the three commanders said.

Since the coronavirus hit earlier this year, Iran has reduced its monthly payments to each of the four top militia groups in Iraq to between $2 million and $3 million from $4.5 million to $5 million, said one of the commanders, who belongs to a powerful paramilitary group.

The reduced funding has impacted operations of the militia groups and is forcing them to seek alternative sources of funding for military operations and weapons such as from their own business interests, the commanders said.

Iraq shares a border with Iran, a coronavirus epicenter in the Middle East with more than 11,000 reported deaths, according to a Reuters tally.

Disruptions brought on by the pandemic come on top of a squeeze on Tehran’s financing of the paramilitary groups over the past two years caused by US sanctions on Iran, said the three commanders and the regional official.

The regional official said Tehran’s funding of the groups has dropped by millions of dollars. The sanctions combined with the coronavirus crisis and a decline in oil prices have helped force Iran, which faces a large budget deficit, to limit its military spending including on the Revolutionary Guards.

US Special Representative for Iran Brian Hook agreed that US sanctions were having an impact on Iran’s funding of paramilitary groups, saying it was "further evidence that our campaign of maximum pressure is successfully depriving the (Iranian) regime of revenue to fund its terror proxies and other destabilizing actions across the region."

The squeeze on militia financing also follows the killing of Iranian Major General Qassem Soleimani, who died in a US drone strike in Baghdad in January. The loss of the senior military commander, who created an Iran-aligned axis of influence across the Middle East and steered political allies in Iraq, has dealt a blow to the operations of paramilitary groups and Iran’s broader aims in Iraq, according to the three commanders as well as the regional official and a senior Iranian diplomat.

The Iran-backed paramilitary groups helped the Iraqi government defeat ISIS in 2017. They have dominated the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), an Iraqi state-controlled institution that is an umbrella grouping of militias, including and smaller Shiite groups that object to Iranian dominance. The PMF was formally integrated into Iraq’s armed forces and has led many security operations.

A PMF spokesman, Muhannad al-Aqabi, declined to comment on any issues to do with groups backed directly by Iran. The PMF receives funding and equipment through official channels via the Iraqi state, even if the ultimate source of the money is often Iran, Aqabi said.

A spokesman at the public relations office of Iran’s Revolutionary Guards Corps denied that Iran finances the militias.

“Iran has always supported the oppressed people in the region and beyond and our policy has not changed. But we do not provide financial support to those who fight against America’s hegemony in our region.”

When asked by Reuters whether Iran’s financial and military support of Iraqi paramilitaries had declined, Alireza Miryousefi, a spokesman for Iran’s mission to the United Nations in New York, said: “These rumors are designed to sow discord between the two nations and are doomed to fail.”

He added that Iran is “fully supportive” of the Iraqi government and that the two countries “engage closely in all matters of mutual interest” but that Iran doesn’t interfere in its neighbor's internal affairs.



What Changes Are Expected Under Iran's New President?

Pezeshkian and former foreign minister Mohammad Javad Zarif during an election rally in Tehran last week- Jamaran News
Pezeshkian and former foreign minister Mohammad Javad Zarif during an election rally in Tehran last week- Jamaran News
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What Changes Are Expected Under Iran's New President?

Pezeshkian and former foreign minister Mohammad Javad Zarif during an election rally in Tehran last week- Jamaran News
Pezeshkian and former foreign minister Mohammad Javad Zarif during an election rally in Tehran last week- Jamaran News

Iranians have picked reformist Masoud Pezeshkian as the Iran's next president in a election to replace Ebrahim Raisi who was killed in a helicopter crash in May.

Pezeshkian, a 69-year-old heart surgeon, won the largest number of votes in the runoff against ultraconservative Saeed Jalili, taking around 16 million votes or 54 percent of about 30 million cast.

He rode on support from the country's main reformist coalition and many Iranians who feared a continued hardline grip on power.

In campaigning, Pezeshkian called for "constructive relations" with Western countries to "get Iran out of its isolation".

He pledged to try to revive a 2015 nuclear deal with the United States and other powers, which imposed curbs on Iran's nuclear activity in return for sanctions relief.

The deal collapsed in 2018 after Washington withdrew from it.

Within Iran, he vowed to ease long-standing internet restrictions and to "fully" oppose police patrols enforcing the mandatory headscarf on women, a high-profile issue since the death in police custody in 2022 of Mahsa Amini.

The 22-year-old Iranian Kurd had been detained for an alleged breach of the dress code, and her death sparked months of deadly unrest nationwide.

Pezeshkian also pledged to involve more women and ethnic minorities such as Kurds and Baluchis in his government.

He has also promised to reduce inflation, now hovering at around 40 percent, which he says has "crushed the nation's back" in recent years.

In one debate with Jalili, Pezeshkian estimated that Iran needs $200 billion in foreign investment, which he said could only be provided by mending ties across the world.

Unlike in many countries, Iran's president is not head of state, and the ultimate authority rests with the supreme leader -- a post held by Ayatollah Ali Khamenei for 35 years.

As president, Pezeshkian will hold the second-highest ranking position and will have influence over both domestic and foreign policy.

Setting economic policy will be within his powers.

However, he will have limited power over the police, and virtually none over the army and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the military's ideological arm, according to AFP.

The police, army and IRGC all answer directly to the supreme leader.

Pezeshkian will be tasked with implementing state policies outlined by Khamenei.

Iranians have mixed feelings towards Pezeshkian's victory, with some expressing happiness and others sceptical.

"We really needed a literate president to solve the economic problems of the people," said Abolfazl, a 40-year-old architect from Tehran who asked only his first name be used.

But Rashed, a 40-year-old barber, said Pezeshkian's win "doesn't matter", and believed the "situation will only get worse".

Maziar Khosravi, a political analyst and journalist, said the new president "did not promise an immediate resolution to problems" in Iran.

"People voted for him because they realised his approach was about interacting with the world, which was completely different from the current government," he said.

Political commentator Mossadegh Mossadeghpoor said people are cautiously "hopeful that he can make some good changes and resolve some of the country's issues", especially the economy.

Analysts say Pezeshkian will face serious challenges because conservatives still dominate state institutions.

One such institution is parliament, which was elected in March and is dominated by conservatives and ultraconservatives.

Parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, who ran in the first round of the election, backed Jalili in the runoff.

Two other ultraconservatives who dropped out a day before the first round also backed Jalili.

"Dealing with the issue of hijab or any other ideological matter is out of the hands of the president," Mossadeghpoor said, noting that this is a religious matter.

Ali Vaez of the International Crisis group says Pezeshkian will face an uphill battle to secure "social and cultural rights at home and diplomatic engagement abroad".

On the nuclear issue, Mossadeghpoor said Pezeshkian may be able to "resolve it if it is the system's will".

Diplomatic efforts to revive the 2015 deal with Washington and Europe have faltered over the years.

"No one should expect Iran's approach to foreign policy to fundamentally change," said Khosravi.