Tripoli Jails: Controlled by Militias and Where Prisoners are Locked up to Be Forgotten

Libyans stand in front of a mural depicting a torture scene outside Tripoli's Abou Salim jail. (AFP)
Libyans stand in front of a mural depicting a torture scene outside Tripoli's Abou Salim jail. (AFP)
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Tripoli Jails: Controlled by Militias and Where Prisoners are Locked up to Be Forgotten

Libyans stand in front of a mural depicting a torture scene outside Tripoli's Abou Salim jail. (AFP)
Libyans stand in front of a mural depicting a torture scene outside Tripoli's Abou Salim jail. (AFP)

Twenty-four years ago, a special forces unit raided the Abou Selim prison in the suburbs of the Libyan capital Tripoli, shooting dead 1,269 opponents of Moammar al-Gaddafi’s regime. The case was not closed until December 2019. This is but one of the horrific crimes that took place in Tripoli’s prisons during the rule of the Gaddafi regime and after its overthrow.

The United Nations has documented the imprisonment of thousands of men, women and children in centers that are officially under the control of the interior and defense ministries of the Tripoli-based Government of National Accord, headed by Fayez al-Sarraj, or his allied armed factions.

After Gaddafi’s ouster, the prisons now hold members of his former regime, who are held on charges of torture. People who have been detained in these jails have spoken of a “secret and scary world where detainees do not carry out a sentence, but rather are locked up away in the darkness, hoping that they would be forgotten, temporarily or permanently.”

Head of the Libyan Organization for Political Development, Jamal al-Fallah told Asharq Al-Awsat that the secret prisons or the ones held by the armed factions are not controlled by the state. Rather, they are controlled by the militias. Each militia has its own prison, some of which are secret and whose location are unknown.

Fallah, who hails from the eastern city of Benghazi, said that these groups act as judge and jailor, whereby they can arrest whoever they choose and release them whenever they want without any legal ground.

Ruwaymi prison
Prisons in western Libya are infamous for their varying degrees of notoriety. The Ruwaymi prison in the Ain Zara suburb is the most infamous. Rights groups have documented flagrant human rights violations there since the ouster of Gaddafi’s regime in 2011. The facility is run by militias even though, officially, it is affiliated with the GNA. The jail holds some 2,000 prisoners, who are detained on political or military charges.

Human Rights Watch has reported on the nine years of torture and arbitrary arrests at the prison. It famously spoke of riots in 2013 when prisoners rose up against the excessive violence against them. Rights activists and the relatives of the prisoners revealed that the guards violently suppressed the riot by opening live fire against them.

In March 2020, a rocket attack targeted Ruwaymi, prompting the GNA justice ministry to plead with the international community to intervene to end the assault. The attack left at least three workers wounded. The GNA held “hostile” forces responsible for the attack, a reference to the rival Libyan National Army, commanded by Khalifa Haftar.

Libyan rights organizations have reported on the appalling conditions in Ruwaymi, revealing that prisoners are being exposed to deadly infectious disease. Ten percent of inmates were at one point infected with tuberculosis. In a report on Libya in January 2020, United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres also spoke of the spread of infectious diseases, such as scabies, hepatitis and HIV among the inmates. The UN mission in Libya had cooperated with the justice ministry to improve conditions at the facility.

“During the reporting period, some 8,500 individuals, of whom an estimated 60 percent were in pretrial detention, were held in 28 official prisons under the authority of the Ministry of Justice. In total, 280 women, including 180 non-Libyans, and 109 children were held in prisons and/or in judicial police custody. Thousands of others were held in facilities nominally under the control of the Ministry of the Interior or the Ministry of Defense, as well as facilities directly operated by armed groups. Those detained had little opportunity to challenge the legality of their detention or seek redress for violations suffered,” he said.

Eliminating inmates
Head of Investigation Bureau of the Libyan Tripoli-based Attorney General's Office Al-Siddiq Al-Sour revealed that in June 2016, 12 prisoners held at Ruwaymi were “eliminated” shortly after a judicial order for their release was announced. Several Libyan rights groups accused militias of killing the inmates, who hailed from the Wadi al-Rabih region. Paying no heed to the accusations, the militias continued to detain more people in the facility.

Sour said the prisoners were being held for their involvement in violence that accompanied the 2011 revolution. When the judge ordered the release of 19 of the detainees, prison records showed that they had left the facility with their families, but in reality, 12 never made it out alive.

Judicial expert at the interim government in the east, Wissam al-Werfalli blamed the frequent violations at the prisons on the failure of successive governments in stemming them. He explained that after the revolution, several armed groups opposed to Gaddafi began to emerge on the ground and they gradually began to gain influence and started to arbitrarily arrest sympathizers of the former regime.

Another notorious prison was al-Hadaba, which was known for holding former regime members such as Baghdadi Mahmudi, the last of Gaddafi’s prime ministers, Abuzed Omar Dorda, former chief of external security, Abdullah Senussi, former military intelligence chief, and Al-Saadi Gaddafi, the late ruler’s son. The facility was raided in 2017 in wake of clashes between militias, forcing the GNA to eventually shut it down and transfer the prisoners to Ruwaymi.

Dorda and several former regime figures were released in 2019 after eight years of arrest. In his first televised appearance, Dorda announced his support for the LNA and warned against Turkey and the Muslim Brotherhood’s plans in Libya and the region.

Opponents silenced
Tripoli has been notorious for the abduction and disappearance of politicians, journalists and citizens. The most prominent victim was former PM Ali Zeidan, who was kidnapped from a hotel in the capital in August 2017. The building was stormed by a militia that took the 67-year-old official to an unknown location. The GNA mediated his release after a ten-day ordeal.

The GNA claims that it controls all prisons, but rights activists state that jails in Tripoli are facilities where people are locked up to be forgotten because keeping them outside undermines the interests of militias.

An official at one of these militias acknowledged to Asharq Al-Awsat that some groups are “dedicated” to the abduction and extortion of citizens. Speaking on condition of anonymity, he said: “Those groups commit acts punishable by law, but we are the authority that applies the law.”

Violations behind bars
The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) had previously blamed armed groups of the prolonged arbitrary and unlawful detention of thousands of people in Libya. In a report, it said: “Armed groups across Libya, including those affiliated with the State, hold thousands of men, women and children in prolonged arbitrary and unlawful detention, and subject them to torture and other human rights violations and abuses. Victims have little or no recourse to judicial remedy or reparations, while members of armed groups enjoy total impunity.”

“To date in 2019, an estimated 8,813 individuals have been held in 28 official prisons under the authority of the Ministry of Justice, of whom an estimated 60 percent were in pre-trial detention. We have continued to receive credible reports of arbitrary detention, torture, enforced disappearances, sexual and gender-based violence, and overcrowding in detention facilities under the control of the Ministry of the Interior. Conditions in unofficial places of detention, often run by armed groups, are even more difficult to monitor and are likely to be even worse.”

Systematic torture
Torture is also rampant at the prisons. Witness, medical reports and rights groups have all documented torture at facilities throughout Libya. Detainees are tortured during interrogation to drag “confessions” out of them and are also punished for committing alleged crimes.

Former detainees detailed how they would be beaten on the head with various implements, including metal bars and pipes and rifle butts. They would be hung up for long hours, electrocuted, burned with cigarettes or hot bars.

Fallah said that in many cases judicial orders for the release of prisoners are often left unheeded, which shows the influence these armed groups hold in managing prisons.



Israel’s Settler Pressure on West Bank Villages Stirs Annexation Fears 

A Palestinian man sits with his son next to a herd of goats, outside of their tent, near Jericho, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, February 9, 2025. (Reuters)
A Palestinian man sits with his son next to a herd of goats, outside of their tent, near Jericho, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, February 9, 2025. (Reuters)
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Israel’s Settler Pressure on West Bank Villages Stirs Annexation Fears 

A Palestinian man sits with his son next to a herd of goats, outside of their tent, near Jericho, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, February 9, 2025. (Reuters)
A Palestinian man sits with his son next to a herd of goats, outside of their tent, near Jericho, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, February 9, 2025. (Reuters)

Just meters from the last houses in Bardala, a Palestinian village at the northern end of the occupied West Bank, Israel's army has been bulldozing a dirt road and ditch between the community and open grazing land on the hills behind it.

Israel's military told Reuters the works were for security and to allow it to patrol the area following the killing of an Israeli civilian in August near the village by a man from another town. It did not detail what it was building there.

Farmers from the fertile Jordan Valley village fear the army patrols and Israeli settlers moving in will exclude them from pastures that feed around 10,000 sheep and goats, as has happened in other parts of the West Bank, undercutting their livelihoods and eventually driving from the village.

Israeli settler outposts have appeared around the village since last year, with clusters of blue and white Israeli flags newly fluttering from nearby hilltops. The settlers intimidated semi-nomadic Bedouin shepherds to abandon their camps in the area last year, four Bedouin families and Israeli human rights NGOs told Reuters.

The tighter military control in the Jordan Valley and arrival of settler outposts in the area over the past months are new developments in a part of the West Bank that had mostly avoided the build up of Israel's presence on the ground in central areas of the Palestinian territory.

With each advance of Israeli settlements and roads, the territory becomes more fractured, further undermining prospects for a contiguous land on which Palestinians could build a sovereign state. Most countries consider Israel's settlements in the occupied West Bank to be illegal.

Over recent weeks, caravans and shelters have begun appearing on the scrub-covered hills a few hundred meters west of Bardala, on land behind the new track, Reuters reporters saw. Such temporary shelters have been the first signs of new outposts being built.

Reuters was unable to contact any of the new arrivals in the outposts around the village.

Ibrahim Sawafta, a member of the Bardala village council, said two dozen farmers would be prevented from reaching grazing land if soldiers and settler outposts obstruct their free movement. Unable to keep their large flocks in pens within the village itself, they would be forced to sell.

"Bardala would be a small prison," he said, sitting on a bench outside his house in the village.

He said the overall goal was "to restrict people, to force them to leave the Jordan Valley."

In response to Reuters questions, the army said the area behind the dirt road outside Bardala was designated as a live fire zone but included "a passage" manned by Israeli soldiers, suggesting limitations on free movement in the area.

It said the passage would allow for "the continuation of daily life and the fulfilment of residents' needs," without giving further details.

The office of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as well as the Yesha Council and the Jordan Valley Council, that represent settlers in the West Bank did not reply to requests for comment for this story.

Sawafta said gunmen had been known to come into the area from towns to the west and the barrier appeared intended to make access more difficult and force traffic through main roads with security checkpoints under Israeli control.

But he said the effect of the move would be to obstruct access to the land, which in some cases was owned by villagers. The activity around Bardala is part of a wider Israeli effort to reshape the West Bank. Over the year and a half since war broke out in Gaza, settlement activity has accelerated in areas seen as the core of a future Palestinian state.

Meanwhile, Israel's pro-settler politicians have been emboldened by the return to the White House of Donald Trump who has already proposed that Palestinians leave Gaza, a suggestion widely condemned across the Middle East and beyond as an attempt to ethnically cleanse Palestinian territories.

In recent weeks, army raids in refugee camps near volatile West Bank cities, including Jenin, Tulkarm and Tubas, near Bardala, have sent tens of thousands of people fleeing their homes, fueling fears of permanent displacement. The raids come amid a renewed push to formally absorb the West Bank as part of Israel, a proposal supported by some of US President Donald Trump's aides. Israel's military has occupied the West Bank since the 1967 Middle East war.

CORNFIELDS AND GREENHOUSES

Bardala, with a population of about 3,000, lies a few meters from the pre-1967 line separating the West Bank from Israel. It prospered quietly over the past 30 years as Israel's settlement movement swallowed up thousands of hectares of land in other parts of the West Bank.

The cornfields and clusters of plastic-sheeted greenhouses where its farmers grow aubergines, peppers and zucchini for the markets of the West Bank and Israel underscore how fertile the land is in the narrow strip of valley alongside the Jordan River, running from the Dead Sea north towards the Sea of Galilee.

But the new Israeli-controlled path will squeeze the village against Highway 90, a road that runs north-south along the riverine border with Jordan from the Dead Sea. Highway 90 ends at the separating line between the West Bank and Israel, just outside the village. The separating line is marked by a high fence.

Citing the experience of other villages, Dror Etkes, founder of Israeli rights group Kerem Navot, said the new track and settlement activity would block access for Palestinians to the area north of Bardala, "all the way up to the separation barrier." Kerem Navot tracks Israeli settlement and land management policy in the West Bank.

The authorities "will take a few thousand dunhams, mainly of agricultural land and prevent the Palestinians from cultivating this land," he said. A dunham is a tenth of a hectare.

ANNEXATION FEARS

The West Bank, so named because of its relation to the river that separates it from Jordan, has long been seen by religious nationalist hardliners in Israel as part of a Greater Israel through historical and Biblical connections to the Jewish people. Jewish settlement building has roared ahead under Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and allies in government such as hardline Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, himself a settler, who said last year he would push to gain Washington's support for annexation in 2025.

Israel's Foreign Minister Gideon Saar said at the time that the government's position on annexation had not yet been settled. Israel's opposition to ceding control of the West Bank has been deepened by its fears of a repeat of the October 7, 2023 attack near Gaza. Since the start of the war in Gaza, 43 new outposts, the seeds of future settlements, have been built in the West Bank, according to Peace Now, an Israeli organization that tracks settlement building.

Most are farm outposts that exclude Palestinians from agricultural land. At least seven were built in the Jordan Valley, according to Palestinian Authority figures. As in other areas of the West Bank, Palestinians and rights groups say the arrival of outposts coincided with more violence from bands of settlers, now free of the fear of US sanctions since Trump cancelled penalties imposed under former President Joe Biden for previous violence.

For months, Bedouins living in semi-permanent stockades in the hills grazing sheep and goats around the Jordan Valley have been subjected to harassment by violent groups of settlers. In late January, the local school in Bardala itself was attacked, after the settlers said stones had been thrown at them.

"The settlers would attack us every Saturday, not allowing us to leave the house at all," said Mahmoud Kaabneh, who left his home in Um Aljmal, an area in the hills some 20 km south of Bardala for Tubas, along with a dozen other families after repeated incursions by threatening bands of settlers. The creation in 2023 of the Settlements Administration, a civil department for the West Bank answerable to Smotrich, has fueled Palestinian concern that the move from military occupation to annexation is already happening by stealth.

In his first term, Trump overturned decades of US policy by recognizing Jerusalem as Israel's capital. But he has not so far given US approval to the calls for full annexation.

Extending Israeli sovereignty over the West Bank would end already slim hopes of creating an independent Palestine alongside Israel.

But Trump's talk of redeveloping Gaza as a US-controlled waterfront resort, along with his aides' ties to the settler movement, has alarmed Palestinians, still haunted by the "Nakba," or catastrophe, in the 1948 war at the start of the state of Israel, when some 750,000 Palestinians fled or were forced out of their homes and never returned.

For Sawafta, from the Bardala village council, developments like the one in his home village point to an effort to dispossess Palestinians in the way their parents and grandparents were dispossessed before.

"Israel effectively and practically confiscates the land," he said.