Constitutional Committee Meetings Hinge on Pandemic as Damascus Warns of ‘Traps’

Bashar Assad delivers a speech before the People's Council on Wednesday. (AP)
Bashar Assad delivers a speech before the People's Council on Wednesday. (AP)
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Constitutional Committee Meetings Hinge on Pandemic as Damascus Warns of ‘Traps’

Bashar Assad delivers a speech before the People's Council on Wednesday. (AP)
Bashar Assad delivers a speech before the People's Council on Wednesday. (AP)

The meetings of the Syrian Constitutional Committee, with the participation of the government, opposition negotiations committee and civil society, are expected to be held in Geneva on August 24, if the coronavirus pandemic allows it. The meetings will be a chance to test the latest positions of the concerned parties after a long absence and after the announcement of the Astana course “guarantors” that they are the “real sponsors” of the constitutional process in Syria. Another significant development, was president Bashar Assad’s labeling as “idle talk” Washington and Ankara’s “meddling” in political initiatives.

United Nations envoy Geir Pedersen is still cautious about hosting the Constitutional Committee meetings, leaving his options open until he has guarantees that they can be held and until he senses that Damascus and the opposition are ready to engage in “constructive” dialogue to amend the constitution through the Syrians and the Syrian leadership. Moscow, Ankara and Tehran, on the other hand, have decided to dispatch the deputies of their foreign ministers to hold a tripartite meeting for Syrian “guarantors/players” on the eve of the Syrian “rivals” meeting.

American transitional phase
This is not the first time that three countries attempt to undermine the achievements of the constitutional path. The foreign ministers of Russia, Turkey and Iran had previously sent their foreign ministers to Geneva to present their vision of “Syrian constitutional reform”. United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres had put a stop to such moves. Now, however, the scene is different. The United States is preoccupied with other priorities: the pursuit and implementation of the Caesar Act that it is using to apply “maximum pressure” to punish Damascus and pressure Moscow. It is also busy with President Donald Trump nearing the end of his term.

In theory, the representatives of the Syrian government, opposition and civil society are expected to meet to discuss constitutional reform. These meetings had come to a halt in the past due to disputes over the agenda. The government wants to begin with reaching an agreement on “national foundations” that are linked to rejecting “occupations” and terrorism. The opposition wants to kick off talks by discussing the constitution and its principles. Fortunately, Pedersen was able to reach an understanding on the agenda thanks to Moscow’s intervention.

The agenda will now discuss the basic foundations for the procedures of the Constitutional Committee in order to hold discussions on national foundations and principles. The great vagueness of this agenda will be put to the test in Geneva.

Russia’s pledge to convince Damascus to keep its delegation in Geneva for more than two weeks for serious talks will also be put to the test. This issue was the main focus of discussions the Russian president's special envoy, Alexander Lavrentiev, held during his latest visit to Damascus.

‘Idle talk and traps’
Ahead of the talks, Assad set the political standard by speaking about “attempts to topple the nation, overthrow sovereignty, divide the people and deal a blow to constitutional institutions.” Addressing the People's Council (parliament), he said these attempts will be “thwarted by the determination of the people to commit to constitutional deadlines.” Assad also cited the people’s participation in recent parliamentary elections as a form of defense of the constitution. He was referring to the 2012 constitution, which the government is clinging on to. The most it will accept is “discussing” the constitution, not its “amendment” or “drafting of a new one.”

Assad dedicated his speech to the internal Syrian situation, such as corruption and American sanctions. At the end, he addressed the political situation, saying: “Despite the honest efforts of our friends in Iraq and Russia” in pushing forward the Constitutional Committee meetings, “they have turned into idle political talk due to the meddling of the US and its agent, Turkey, and their representatives at the dialogue.”

“We still believe in the need to support political initiatives, even though we know that the other side is bound by money and the orders of their real masters outside the nation,” Assad continued. “Political initiatives are aimed at luring us into traps they have set up to achieve what they could not through terrorism. In their dreams.”

Washington is forging ahead with its implementation of the Caesar Act whereby it is expected to release a new batch of sanctions. Its first batch, released in June, targeted 39 individuals and entities, including Assad and his wife Asma. In July, 14 more targets were added, including Assad’s son, Hafez, 18.

During his speech, Assad also referred to his cousin, Rami Makhlouf, the business tycoon who has dramatically fallen from grace with the regime. “The fight against corruption has intensified in recent years,” said Assad. “We are continuing in restoring looted public funds through legal means and institutions. No one is above the law. Reform is not about revenge or settling scores.”

Through Syria’s 10-year war, Makhlouf had helped Assad evade Western sanctions on fuel and other goods vital to his military campaign. He was part of the president’s inner circle, accused by the United States of exploiting his proximity to power to enrich himself “at the expense of ordinary Syrians.” His business empire spanned telecoms, energy, real estate and hotels, looming large over Syria’s economy.

But now the two men are now locked in a battle over money. Security forces had recently raided Makhlouf’s telecoms company, Syriatel, in a tax dispute and detained dozens of employees for questioning.

The rift between Assad and Makhlouf burst into public view on April 30, when Makhlouf posted the first of three videos to social media. In the videos, he said the government had asked him to step down from his companies, including Syriatel.

On May 19, 2020, the finance ministry froze the assets of Makhlouf, his wife and an unspecified number of his at least two children, according to a document reviewed by Reuters. It also ordered that overseas assets should be seized “to guarantee payment of dues to the telecom regulatory authority.” The government has said Syriatel owes the telecom regulator 134 billion Syrian pounds ($60 million) relating to the terms of the company’s license. Makhlouf insisted in one of his social media posts that he stands ready to pay.

A separate order banned Makhlouf from obtaining government contracts for five years.



As the UN Turns 80, Its Crucial Humanitarian Aid Work Faces a Clouded Future

Students in an English class at a primary school run by URWA for Palestinian refugees at the Mar Elias refugee camp in Beirut, Lebanon, Monday, June 2, 2025. (AP Photo/Hassan Ammar)
Students in an English class at a primary school run by URWA for Palestinian refugees at the Mar Elias refugee camp in Beirut, Lebanon, Monday, June 2, 2025. (AP Photo/Hassan Ammar)
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As the UN Turns 80, Its Crucial Humanitarian Aid Work Faces a Clouded Future

Students in an English class at a primary school run by URWA for Palestinian refugees at the Mar Elias refugee camp in Beirut, Lebanon, Monday, June 2, 2025. (AP Photo/Hassan Ammar)
Students in an English class at a primary school run by URWA for Palestinian refugees at the Mar Elias refugee camp in Beirut, Lebanon, Monday, June 2, 2025. (AP Photo/Hassan Ammar)

At a refugee camp in northern Kenya, Aujene Cimanimpaye waits as a hot lunch of lentils and sorghum is ladled out for her and her nine children — all born while she has received United Nations assistance since fleeing her violence-wracked home in Congo in 2007.

“We cannot go back home because people are still being killed,” the 41-year-old said at the Kakuma camp, where the UN World Food Program and UN refugee agency help support more than 300,000 refugees, The Associated Press said.

Her family moved from Nakivale Refugee Settlement in neighboring Uganda three years ago to Kenya, now home to more than a million refugees from dozens of conflict-hit east African countries.

A few kilometers (miles) away at the Kalobeyei Refugee Settlement, fellow Congolese refugee Bahati Musaba, a mother of five, said that since 2016, “UN agencies have supported my children’s education — we get food and water and even medicine,” as well as cash support from WFP to buy food and other basics.

This year, those cash transfers — and many other UN aid activities — have stopped, threatening to upend or jeopardize millions of lives.

As the UN marks its 80th anniversary this month, its humanitarian agencies are facing one of the greatest crises in their history: The biggest funder — the United States — under the Trump administration and other Western donors have slashed international aid spending. Some want to use the money to build up national defense.

Some UN agencies are increasingly pointing fingers at one another as they battle over a shrinking pool of funding, said a diplomat from a top donor country who spoke on condition of anonymity to comment freely about the funding crisis faced by some UN agencies.

Such pressures, humanitarian groups say, diminish the pivotal role of the UN and its partners in efforts to save millions of lives — by providing tents, food and water to people fleeing unrest in places like Myanmar, Sudan, Syria and Venezuela, or helping stamp out smallpox decades ago.

“It’s the most abrupt upheaval of humanitarian work in the UN in my 40 years as a humanitarian worker, by far,” said Jan Egeland, a former UN humanitarian aid chief who now heads the Norwegian Refugee Council. “And it will make the gap between exploding needs and contributions to aid work even bigger.”

‘Brutal’ cuts to humanitarian aid programs UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres has asked the heads of UN agencies to find ways to cut 20% of their staffs, and his office in New York has floated sweeping ideas about reform that could vastly reshape the way the United Nations doles out aid.

Humanitarian workers often face dangers and go where many others don’t — to slums to collect data on emerging viruses or drought-stricken areas to deliver water.

The UN says 2024 was the deadliest year for humanitarian personnel on record, mainly due to the war in Gaza. In February, it suspended aid operations in the stronghold of Yemen’s Houthi group, who have detained dozens of UN and other aid workers.

Proponents say UN aid operations have helped millions around the world affected by poverty, illness, conflict, hunger and other troubles.

Critics insist many operations have become bloated, replete with bureaucratic perks and a lack of accountability, and are too distant from in-the-field needs. They say postcolonial Western donations have fostered dependency and corruption, which stifles the ability of countries to develop on their own, while often UN-backed aid programs that should be time-specific instead linger for many years with no end in sight.

In the case of the Nobel Peace Prize-winning WFP and the UN’s refugee and migration agencies, the US has represented at least 40% of their total budgets, and Trump administration cuts to roughly $60 billion in US foreign assistance have hit hard. Each UN agency has been cutting thousands of jobs and revising aid spending.

“It's too brutal what has happened,” said Egeland, alluding to cuts that have jolted the global aid community. “However, it has forced us to make priorities ... what I hope is that we will be able to shift more of our resources to the front lines of humanity and have less people sitting in offices talking about the problem.”

With the UN Security Council's divisions over wars in Ukraine and the Middle East hindering its ability to prevent or end conflict in recent years, humanitarian efforts to vaccinate children against polio or shelter and feed refugees have been a bright spot of UN activity. That's dimming now.

Not just funding cuts cloud the future of UN humanitarian work

Aside from the cuts and dangers faced by humanitarian workers, political conflict has at times overshadowed or impeded their work.

UNRWA, the aid agency for Palestinian refugees, has delivered an array of services to millions — food, education, jobs and much more — in Lebanon, Syria and Jordan as well as in the West Bank and Gaza since its founding in 1948.

Israel claims the agency's schools fan antisemitic and anti-Israel sentiment, which the agency denies. Israel says Hamas siphons off UN aid in Gaza to profit from it, while UN officials insist most aid gets delivered directly to the needy.

“UNRWA is like one of the foundations of your home. If you remove it, everything falls apart,” said Issa Haj Hassan, 38, after a checkup at a small clinic at the Mar Elias Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut.

UNRWA covers his diabetes and blood pressure medication, as well as his wife’s heart medicine. The United States, Israel's top ally, has stopped contributing to UNRWA; it once provided a third of its funding. Earlier this year, Israel banned the aid group, which has strived to continue its work nonetheless.

Ibtisam Salem, a single mother of five in her 50s who shares a small one-room apartment in Beirut with relatives who sleep on the floor, said: “If it wasn’t for UNRWA we would die of starvation. ... They helped build my home, and they give me health care. My children went to their schools.”

Especially when it comes to food and hunger, needs worldwide are growing even as funding to address them shrinks.

“This year, we have estimated around 343 million acutely food insecure people,” said Carl Skau, WFP deputy executive director. “It’s a threefold increase if we compare four years ago. And this year, our funding is dropping 40%. So obviously that’s an equation that doesn’t come together easily.”

Billing itself as the world's largest humanitarian organization, WFP has announced plans to cut about a quarter of its 22,000 staff.

The aid landscape is shifting

One question is how the United Nations remains relevant as an aid provider when global cooperation is on the outs, and national self-interest and self-defense are on the upswing.

The United Nations is not alone: Many of its aid partners are feeling the pinch. Groups like GAVI, which tries to ensure fair distribution of vaccines around the world, and the Global Fund, which spends billions each year to help battle HIV, tuberculosis and malaria, have been hit by Trump administration cuts to the US Agency for International Development.

Some private-sector, government-backed groups also are cropping up, including the divisive Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, which has been providing some food to Palestinians. But violence has erupted as crowds try to reach the distribution sites.

The future of UN aid, experts say, will rest where it belongs — with the world body's 193 member countries.

“We need to take that debate back into our countries, into our capitals, because it is there that you either empower the UN to act and succeed — or you paralyze it,” said Achim Steiner, administrator of the UN Development Program.