How King Abdulaziz Established Saudi Arabia’s Independence, Neutrality?

King Abdulaziz at the time was very cautious and aware of the political game played by Westerners, especially Britain. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
King Abdulaziz at the time was very cautious and aware of the political game played by Westerners, especially Britain. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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How King Abdulaziz Established Saudi Arabia’s Independence, Neutrality?

King Abdulaziz at the time was very cautious and aware of the political game played by Westerners, especially Britain. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
King Abdulaziz at the time was very cautious and aware of the political game played by Westerners, especially Britain. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

The period between 1915 and 1927 witnessed conflicts in various parts of the world, most notably the outbreak of the First World War. The Arabian Peninsula, for its part, was experiencing a decisive transitional phase in its history.

During that time, the Peninsula passed through three important stages: The revolution against Turkish subordination in some of its parts, internal wars, and then the unification and stability under the founding king.

In this atmosphere, the Uqair Treaty was signed in 1915 and constituted the first basis for shaping the spirit and nature of the relationship between Saudi Arabia and Britain.

Some historians describe it as a treaty of protection and influence, which is similar to other accords concluded by Britain with a number of Gulf States. However, King Abdulaziz at the time was very cautious and aware of the political game played by Westerners, especially Britain.

Fearing the expansion of the conflict of the great powers to the Arabian Peninsula during the First World War, King Abdulaziz wrote to his neighbors, including Mubarak in Kuwait, saying: “I see as the war has occurred, that we meet to deliberate, hoping that we agree on what will save the Arabs from its horrors, or we will ally with one of the countries to protect our rights and promote our interests.”

The Uqair Treaty is not like all other treaties concluded by Britain in the Gulf region. It is neither a protection pact nor an agreement of influence, but rather a treaty of mutual interests between two parties, each of which wants to protect its own interests.

The Treaty Clauses

The first clause included the British government’s recognition of Nejd, Al-Ahsa, Qatif and others (areas that belong to Saudi Arabia now) as “the countries of Ibn Saud and his fathers, and that the ruler nominates whoever succeeds after him, and that the candidate is not opposed to the British government in any way, especially with regard to this treaty.”

This specific item reflected the correct picture of the relationship between King Abdulaziz and Britain, which was based on the British government’s explicit recognition of the nascent state of King Abdulaziz.

The second clause stipulated that if “any attack occurs by a foreign country on the territories of Ibn Saud and his allies without consulting the British government… then Britain shall assist Ibn Saud after consulting with him.”

It is worth noting that King Abdulaziz did not ask for assistance from a foreign country from the date of the conquest of Riyadh in 1902 until the unification of the Saudi state.

In Clause 4, King Abdulaziz pledged not to sell any of the aforementioned regions to a foreign country without the approval of the British government, provided that this does not prejudice the country’s interests.

In the fifth clause, Ibn Saud vowed to secure the freedom of movement and protect pilgrims on their way to the holy sites.

King Abdulaziz pledged, in the sixth clause, not to interfere in other countries’ affairs – a policy that he long sought to advocate.

The seventh and last item includes the commitment of Britain and King Abdulaziz to sign another treaty that further details matters pertaining to the relationship between the two sides.

Saudi Arabia and Britain... After the Treaty

After World War I, Britain was keen to maintain its presence and strength in areas far from the battlefield, especially as it competed with countries that had a strong desire to obtain spheres of influence in the Middle East, such as France, Germany, Russia and other European countries.

During the war, Britain sent Captain Shakespeare to Riyadh, carrying with him recognition of the Saudi State and recalling the “danger of the German influence” and the desire to develop a plan of cooperation with King Abdulaziz on a solid basis.

King Abdulaziz, for his part, believed that the Turks were passing through a critical stage and that supporting them against Britain during the war could make his country lose the opportunity to consolidate its security.

The British policy was working to serve its interests and realized that the Saudi power had become dominant in the Arabian Peninsula. King Abdulaziz, for his part, was aware of the need to forge a treaty that is consistent with the new status of his state and for the world’s major powers to recognize the new Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.

Consequently, the Jeddah Treaty was concluded on May 20, 1927, and consisted of 11 articles and 4 annexes. It included the British government’s absolute official recognition of the complete independence of the state of King Abdul Aziz without reservation.



Israeli Raids Displaced Tens of Thousands in the West Bank. Now Few Places to Shelter Remain 

Boys sit by during the funeral of 18-year-old Palestinian Malik Hattab who was killed the previous day after succumbing to injuries sustained during an Israeli raid on the Jalazun camp for Palestinian refugees north of Ramallah in the occupied West Bank, at the camp on April 15, 2025. (AFP) 
Boys sit by during the funeral of 18-year-old Palestinian Malik Hattab who was killed the previous day after succumbing to injuries sustained during an Israeli raid on the Jalazun camp for Palestinian refugees north of Ramallah in the occupied West Bank, at the camp on April 15, 2025. (AFP) 
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Israeli Raids Displaced Tens of Thousands in the West Bank. Now Few Places to Shelter Remain 

Boys sit by during the funeral of 18-year-old Palestinian Malik Hattab who was killed the previous day after succumbing to injuries sustained during an Israeli raid on the Jalazun camp for Palestinian refugees north of Ramallah in the occupied West Bank, at the camp on April 15, 2025. (AFP) 
Boys sit by during the funeral of 18-year-old Palestinian Malik Hattab who was killed the previous day after succumbing to injuries sustained during an Israeli raid on the Jalazun camp for Palestinian refugees north of Ramallah in the occupied West Bank, at the camp on April 15, 2025. (AFP) 

For weeks, the family had been on the move. Israeli troops had forced them from home during a military operation that has displaced tens of thousands of Palestinians across the occupied West Bank. After finding shelter in a wedding hall, they were told to leave again.

"We don’t know where we’ll go," said the family's 52-year-old matriarch, who did not want to be identified for fear of reprisal. She buried her face in her hands.

The grandmother is one of more than 1,500 displaced people in and around the northern city of Tulkarem who are being pushed from schools, youth centers and other venues because the people who run them need them back. It was not clear how many displaced in other areas like Jenin face the same pressure.

Many say they have nowhere else to go. Israeli forces destroyed some homes.

The cash-strapped Palestinian Authority, which administers parts of the West Bank, has little to offer. The UN agency for Palestinian refugees, the largest aid provider in the occupied territories, struggles to meet greater needs in the Gaza Strip while facing Israeli restrictions on its operations.

Approximately 40,000 Palestinians were driven from their homes in January and February in the largest displacement in the West Bank since Israel captured the territory in the 1967 Mideast war.

Israel says the operations are needed to stamp out militancy as violence by all sides has surged since Hamas' Oct. 7, 2023, attack ignited the war in Gaza.

Fears of long-term displacement Israel's raids have emptied out and largely destroyed several urban refugee camps in the northern West Bank, like Tulkarem and nearby Nur Shams, that housed the descendants of Palestinians who fled or were driven from their homes in previous wars.

Israel says troops will stay in some camps for a year.

People with means are living with relatives or renting apartments, while the impoverished have sought refuge in public buildings. Now that the Muslim holy month of Ramadan has ended, many are being told to leave.

"This is a big problem for us, as the schools cannot be used for the displaced because there are students in them, and at the same time, we have a shortage of financial resources," said Abdallah Kmeil, the governor of Tulkarem.

He said the Palestinian Authority is looking for empty homes to rent to families and plans to bring prefabricated containers for some 20,000 displaced. But it’s unclear when they will arrive.

Seven minutes to pack

The matriarch said Israeli troops gave the family seven minutes to pack when they evicted them from the Nur Shams camp in early February. They left with backpacks and a white flag to signal they weren't a threat.

Shelters were overcrowded. People slept on floor mats with little privacy, and dozens at times shared a few toilets and a shower.

The family tried to return home when soldiers allowed people to go back and get their belongings. Days later, they were forced to leave again, and soldiers warned that their house would be burned if they didn’t, the woman said.

The family found a charity center that doubles as a wedding hall in a nearby town. Now, with the onset of wedding season, they have had to leave.

When the family feels homesick, they walk to a hilltop overlooking Nur Shams.

Palestinians sheltering in and around Tulkarem say they feel abandoned. Much of the aid they were receiving, such as food and clothes, came from the community during Ramadan, a time of increased charity. Now that has dried up.

Israel's crackdown in the West Bank has also left tens of thousands unemployed. They can no longer work the mostly menial jobs in Israel that paid higher wages, making it harder to rent scarce places to stay.

Iman Basher used to work on a Palestinian farm near her house in Nur Shams. Since fleeing, the day's walk there is too far to travel, she said. The 64-year-old was among dozens of people recently forced from another wedding hall. She now sleeps on a mat in another packed building.

Basher said soldiers raiding her house stole about $2,000, money she had been saving for more than a decade for her children’s education.

An Israeli military spokesperson said the army prohibits the theft or wanton destruction of civilian property and holds soldiers accountable for what it called "exceptional" violations. The army said gunmen fight and plant explosives in residential areas, and soldiers sometimes occupy homes to combat them.

‘The scale of the displacement is beyond us’

Aid groups said some displaced people are living in unfinished buildings, without proper clothes, hygiene, bedding or access to healthcare.

"It’s hard to find where the need is ... The scale of the displacement is beyond us," said Nicholas Papachrysostomou, emergency coordinator in the northern West Bank for Doctors Without Borders.

The charity's mobile clinics provide primary healthcare, but there’s a shortage of medicine and it’s hard to get supplies because of Israeli restrictions and financial constraints by the West Bank's health ministry, he said.

The UN agency for Palestinian refugees, known as UNRWA, plans to disburse $265 a month to about 30,000 of the most vulnerable displaced people, but there is enough money for only three months, said Hanadi Jaber Abu Taqa, head of UNRWA in the northern West Bank.

The agency's money mostly goes to Gaza. Just over 12% of the funds it seeks from donors for this year will be allocated to the West Bank.

Portable housing for the many displaced would only be a temporary fix. Some Palestinians said they wouldn't accept it, worrying it would feel like giving up their right to return home.

Isam Sadooq had been helping 60 displaced people staying at a youth center in Tulkarem. Last month, he was told, by the people who run the center, that they should consider evacuating so children can resume sports.

"If we cannot find them another place to live, what will be their fate?" he said. "They will find themselves in the street, and this is something we do not accept."