Egypt Seeks to Break GERD Stalemate

A handout satellite image shows a closeup view of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) and the Blue Nile River in Ethiopia July 12, 2020 (Reuters)
A handout satellite image shows a closeup view of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) and the Blue Nile River in Ethiopia July 12, 2020 (Reuters)
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Egypt Seeks to Break GERD Stalemate

A handout satellite image shows a closeup view of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) and the Blue Nile River in Ethiopia July 12, 2020 (Reuters)
A handout satellite image shows a closeup view of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) and the Blue Nile River in Ethiopia July 12, 2020 (Reuters)

Egypt is seeking to break the stalemate of the talks on the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), after Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi stressed during the UN General Assembly that the negotiation period should not be extended indefinitely.

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed asserted that his country has “no intention” of harming Sudan and Egypt.

Abiy told the UN that the project contributes to the conservation of water resources, “which would otherwise have been lost to evaporation in downstream countries.”

Egypt, Sudan, and Ethiopia have been in negotiations, under the auspices of the African Union, hoping to reach an agreement on the rules for filling and operating the dam that Addis Ababa is building on the main tributary of the Nile.

Negotiations were suspended at the end of last August, after technical and legal disputes.

Egypt and Sudan fear that this will affect their shares in the Nile waters, and stress the need to reach a binding agreement that guarantees the rights and interests of the three countries, and includes a mechanism for settling disputes.

Meanwhile, the legal advisor at the Egyptian Foreign Ministry, Mohamed Helal, wrote a detailed statement at the Foreign Policy magazine, in which he accused Addis Ababa of trying to impose “a fait accompli.”

Helal reported that dozens of technical reports, statements, and hundreds of meetings have been held with heads of state and government, foreign ministers and water ministers, hydrologists and engineers, lawyers and litigators, and foreign mediators and international observers.

Yet, little has been achieved, apart from the 2015 treaty that provided a legal framework to govern the negotiations.

Earlier this year, the US and the World Bank sponsored an agreement that Ethiopia refused to sign, accusing them of “bias towards Egypt.”

“The reason these efforts have failed is that there is a fundamental divergence on the purpose of these negotiations,” wrote Helal.

The advisor explained that Egypt wants an agreement based on a “simple and mutually beneficial” quid pro quo; Ethiopia should be able to generate hydropower from the GERD while minimizing the harm on downstream communities in Egypt and Sudan.

He accused Ethiopia of exploiting these negotiations to assert control over the Blue Nile and to reconfigure the political topography of the Nile Basin.

Helal believes the reason for Ethiopia’s intransigence is that these negotiations are about much more than the GERD and its economic value.

Ethiopia considers GERD an instrument “to exercise unrestricted control over the Blue Nile, to free itself of the restraints of international law that apply to all riparian states sharing international watercourses, and force Egypt and Sudan into apportioning the waters of the Nile on Ethiopia’s terms,” according to the official.

Egypt is relying on US' strong role in pressuring Ethiopia to sign the agreement.

Helal also urged South Africa, as the President of the African Union, the US, and the EU to pressure Ethiopia to reach an agreement on filling and operating the dam.

Last September, the Egyptian embassy in Washington held a conference as part of a series of meetings organized by the Egyptian Foreign Ministry with experts in water resources management and irrigation to discuss developments in the GERD negotiations.

Weeks ago, the US administration announced a “temporary halt” of part of the US aid to Ethiopia, as evidence of the growing concern over Addis Ababa’s decision to fill the dam and the lack of progress in the negotiations.

Ethiopia has completed about 75 percent of the construction of the dam, which began in 2011, and Addis Ababa finished last July the first phase of filling the reservoir, in preparation for its operation.



Syria Authorities Arrest Official behind Saydnaya Death Penalties

Syria has been at war since Assad cracked down on democracy protests in 2011 - AFP
Syria has been at war since Assad cracked down on democracy protests in 2011 - AFP
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Syria Authorities Arrest Official behind Saydnaya Death Penalties

Syria has been at war since Assad cracked down on democracy protests in 2011 - AFP
Syria has been at war since Assad cracked down on democracy protests in 2011 - AFP

Syria's new authorities have arrested a military justice official who under ousted president Bashar al-Assad issued death sentences for detainees in the notorious Saydnaya prison, a war monitor said Thursday.

The confirmation by the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights of his detention came a day after deadly clashes erupted in the coastal province of Tartus, an Assad stronghold, when gunmen sought to protect him.

Mohammed Kanjo Hassan is the highest-ranking officer whose arrest has been announced since Assad's ousting on December 8.
Assad fled for Russia after an opposition-led offensive wrested from his control city after city until Damascus fell, ending his clan's five-decade rule and sparking celebrations in Syria and beyond.
The offensive caught Assad and his inner circle by surprise and while fleeing the country he took with him only a handful of confidants.

Many others were left behind, including his brother Maher al-Assad, who according to a Syrian military source fled to Iraq before heading to Russia.

Other collaborators were believed to have taken refuge in their hometowns in Alawite regions that were once a stronghold of the Assad clan.

- Thousands of death sentences -

According to the Association of Detainees and Missing Persons of Saydnaya Prison, Kanjo Hassan headed Syria's military field court from 2011 to 2014, the first three years of the war that began with Assad's crackdown on Arab Spring-inspired democracy protests.

He was later promoted to chief of military justice nationwide, the group's co-founder Diab Serriya said, adding that he sentenced "thousands of people" to death.

The Saydnaya complex, the site of extrajudicial executions, torture and forced disappearances, epitomised the atrocities committed against Assad's opponents.

The fate of tens of thousands of prisoners and missing people remains one of the most harrowing legacies of his rule, according to AFP.

After 13 years of civil war, Syria's new leaders from Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) face the monumental task of safeguarding the multi-confessional, multi-ethnic country from further collapse.

With its roots in Syria's branch of Al-Qaeda, HTS has moderated its rhetoric and vowed to ensure protection for minorities, including the Alawite community from which Assad hails.

With 500,000 killed in the war and more than 100,000 still missing, the new authorities have also pledged justice for the victims of abuses under the deposed ruler.

They also face the substantial task of restoring security to a country ravaged by war and where arms have become ubiquitous.

- Hate or revenge -

During the offensive that precipitated Assad's ousting, opposition factions flung open the doors of prisons and detention centres around the country, letting out thousands of people.

In central Damascus, relatives of some of the missing have hung up posters of their loved ones in the hope that with Assad gone, they may one day learn what happened to them.

World powers and international organizations have called for the urgent establishment of mechanisms for accountability.

With the judiciary not yet reorganized since Assad's toppling, it is unclear how detainees suspected of crimes linked to the former authorities will be tried.

Some members of the Alawite community fear that with Assad gone, they will be at risk of attacks from groups hungry for revenge or driven by sectarian hate.

On Wednesday, angry protests erupted in several areas around Syria, including Assad's hometown of Qardaha, over a video showing an attack on an Alawite shrine that circulated online.

The Observatory said that one demonstrator was killed and five others wounded "after security forces... opened fire to disperse" a crowd in the central city of Homs.

On Thursday, the Observatory reported deadly clashes in Homs province between security forces and gunmen from a gang allegedly involved in murders and kidnappings under the former government.

State news agency SANA reported that the fighting erupted when "outlawed groups affiliated with Assad's militias" attacked the new authorities' forces.

- 'We want peace' -

On Thursday, the information ministry introduced a ban on publishing or distributing "any content or information with a sectarian nature aimed at spreading division and discrimination".

In one of Wednesday's protests over the video, large crowds chanted slogans including "Alawite, Sunni, we want peace".

Assad long presented himself as a protector of minority groups in Sunni-majority Syria, though critics said he played on sectarian divisions to stay in power.

In Homs, where the authorities imposed a nighttime curfew, 42-year-old resident Hadi reported "a vast deployment of HTS men in areas where there were protests".

"There is a lot of fear," he said.

In coastal Latakia, protester Ghidak Mayya, 30, said that for now, Alawites were "listening to calls for calm", but that putting too much pressure on the community "risks an explosion".

Noting the anxieties, Sam Heller of the Century Foundation think tank told AFP that Syria's new rulers had to balance dealing with sectarian tensions while promising that those responsible for abuses under Assad would be held accountable.

"But they're obviously also contending with what seems like a real desire on the part of some of their constituents for what they would say is accountability, maybe also revenge, it depends on how you want to characterize it," he said.