Libyan Hospitals Helpless amid Spike in COVID-19 Cases

Nurses care for a patient infected with the coronavirus disease (COVID-19), at a quarantine center, in Misrata, Libya. (Reuters)
Nurses care for a patient infected with the coronavirus disease (COVID-19), at a quarantine center, in Misrata, Libya. (Reuters)
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Libyan Hospitals Helpless amid Spike in COVID-19 Cases

Nurses care for a patient infected with the coronavirus disease (COVID-19), at a quarantine center, in Misrata, Libya. (Reuters)
Nurses care for a patient infected with the coronavirus disease (COVID-19), at a quarantine center, in Misrata, Libya. (Reuters)

A number of Libyan hospitals are struggling to treat the surge in coronavirus cases, especially with limited capabilities and shortage in health care professionals.

The National Center for Disease Control of Libya reported 1,076 new COVID-19 cases, bringing the tally in the country to 41,368, with 23,453 recoveries and 621 death.

In recent days, Libya recorded over a thousand new cases per day. Tripoli topped the infections with 463, followed by Gharyan with 118 and Benghazi with 92.

Head of the PCR testing unit at Sabha Medical Center, Khadija al-Abbasi, announced that the center received a large number of confirmed and suspected cases.

In a video statement, Abbasi said that the closure of quarantine centers in the south led to the jump in the cases arriving at the center, which hampered medical staff.

She indicated that people accompanying patients and visitors at the Center may contribute to transmitting the virus, announcing that all doctors and staff are being tested.

A source at the National Center for Disease Control in Sabha warned that people are ignoring the authorities’ health warnings and are not following preventive measures, which is leading to the spread of the disease.

He told Asharq al-Awsat that all medical centers and hospitals in Libya are suffering from a lack of medical equipment and shortage in health care staff, similar to the situation in Sabha Medical Center.

Meanwhile, the Medical Advisory Committee of the interim government in eastern Libya announced that a specialized coronavirus training team visited the northeastern COVID-19 Shahat Hospital, to ensure the protocols and recommendations are followed.



Uncertain Future for the PFLP-GC in Post-Assad Syria

Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Damascus on April 18 (AP) 
Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Damascus on April 18 (AP) 
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Uncertain Future for the PFLP-GC in Post-Assad Syria

Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Damascus on April 18 (AP) 
Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Damascus on April 18 (AP) 

The brief detention of Talal Naji, Secretary-General of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command (PFLP-GC), by Syrian authorities has renewed scrutiny over the status of Palestinian factions still operating in Syria, particularly those that aligned with the former Assad regime.

Naji’s arrest and swift release come amid a major political realignment following the collapse of Bashar al-Assad’s government in December 2024. Once one of the most active and heavily armed Palestinian groups in Syria, the PFLP-GC now faces an uncertain future, along with other factions that were long tolerated—or even supported—under Assad’s rule.

A well-informed Palestinian source, speaking on condition of anonymity, told Asharq Al-Awsat that the new Syrian administration has appointed a figure known as Abu Abdul Rahman al-Shami to oversee the file of Palestinian factions. Since assuming the role, al-Shami has convened multiple meetings with faction representatives, including regular attendees from the PFLP-GC, to discuss the fate of their fighters, weapons, property, and military infrastructure.

According to the source, al-Shami has made it clear that the new government intends to hold accountable any individuals or groups implicated in crimes against Syrian civilians during the civil war. Palestinian factions have been instructed to surrender all weapons and military equipment, and to limit their activities to humanitarian and relief work. The PFLP-GC, the source said, has largely complied.

Despite the fall of the Assad regime, Naji and much of the PFLP-GC’s second- and third-tier leadership have remained in Syria. Its offices in Damascus reportedly continue to operate, though under heightened scrutiny. Other faction leaders, however, have fled. Among them are Khaled Abdul Majid (Popular Struggle Front), Ziyad al-Saghir (Fatah–Intifada), Mohammad al-Saeed (Liwa al-Quds), and Saed Abdel Al (Free Palestine Movement). Most are believed to have sought refuge in Lebanon.

Sources confirmed that several PFLP-GC fighters have been detained in recent weeks in connection with alleged war crimes committed during their cooperation with Assad’s forces. The Syrian government has also moved to seize faction offices and military installations across the country, including properties belonging to Fatah–Intifada, the Free Palestine Movement, and the Sa’iqa Forces. Sa’iqa’s leader, Mohammad Qais, remains in Syria.

In a further blow, authorities have reportedly frozen bank accounts belonging to some Palestinian factions, both in state and private banks, although it remains unclear whether the PFLP-GC is among them.

Additionally, it is widely believed that the PFLP-GC has handed over its military training camps, which were previously spread across Damascus countryside, Daraa, Aleppo, and Suwayda. “The situation is extremely sensitive, and everyone is anxious,” one Palestinian source told Asharq Al-Awsat. “It’s likely they’ve surrendered those sites.”

The sense of unease deepened last month when Syrian authorities detained two senior Islamic Jihad officials in Damascus: Khaled Khaled, head of the group’s Syria bureau, and Abu Ali Yasser, its chief organizational officer. Both remain in custody, and no official charges have been announced.

The current atmosphere of fear and uncertainty has driven faction leaders to avoid public comment. Most now insist on anonymity when speaking to local or international media.

Before the outbreak of the Syrian uprising in March 2011, Syria hosted more than a dozen Palestinian factions. As the conflict escalated, the Assad regime encouraged the formation of new pro-regime groups, composed largely of Palestinian refugees, to fight alongside its forces.