Syria Meets US Efforts to Release American Hostages with Long List of Demands

Marc and Debra Tice, the parents of US journalist Austin Tice (in portrait left), who was abducted in Syria. (AFP file photo)
Marc and Debra Tice, the parents of US journalist Austin Tice (in portrait left), who was abducted in Syria. (AFP file photo)
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Syria Meets US Efforts to Release American Hostages with Long List of Demands

Marc and Debra Tice, the parents of US journalist Austin Tice (in portrait left), who was abducted in Syria. (AFP file photo)
Marc and Debra Tice, the parents of US journalist Austin Tice (in portrait left), who was abducted in Syria. (AFP file photo)

US presidential candidate Ronald Reagan secretly held negotiations with the Iranians to resolved the 1980 hostage crisis. He did so to gain electoral points as he was lagging behind Jimmy Carter in the polls. Now, two weeks before the American presidential elections, the polls show that Democratic candidate Joe Biden is ahead of incumbent Donald Trump.

Mitoji Yabunaka, Japan’s Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs, recalled to Asharq Al-Awsat the arduous talks held in 2005 as part of the Six-Party talks with North Korea. Known as the “godfather” of those negotiations, a joint statement was eventually reached in fall 2005. The deal included Pyongyang’s agreement to abandon its nuclear ambitions, but soon after, Washington slapped sanctions against North Korea and the negotiations ultimately collapsed.

Yabunaka explained that the United States adopted two approaches, one led by the State Department and another by the Treasury.

The Reagan and North Korea negotiations shed some light on the current negotiations in Damascus to resolve the hostage crisis. The hostages include Austin Tice, a journalist from Texas who disappeared while covering the Syrian war in 2012, and Majd Kamalmaz, a 62-year-old clinical psychologist from Virginia, who disappeared in 2017 and is believed to be held in a Syrian government prison. Trump had set as a priority the return of all American hostages held throughout the world. To that end, he had formed a cell of representatives from various institutions with the aim of following up on the cases of some 40 missing people.

Arab and foreign officials, as well as Syrian figures who are close to the Damascus regime, have at varying degrees played the role of mediator in the hostage file. At the moment, they appear to have adopted three different approaches:

The American approach was taken on by Trump himself. At one point he had sent a written message to Syrian President Bashar Assad inquiring about Tice’s fate and even proposed holding “direct dialogue”. The suggestion was made three years after Trump had proposed the assassination of Assad in retaliation to a 2017 chemical attack. The move was opposed by then Defense Secretary Jim Mattis.

Former national security adviser John Bolton wrote in his recent book that negotiations on the US role in Syria were “complicated by Trump’s constant desire to call Assad on US hostages." He said he and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo thought it was "undesirable.” “Fortunately, Syria saved Trump from himself, refusing even to talk to Pompeo about them,” Bolton wrote.

As the American elections loom, Trump has again turned his attention to the hostages in Syria. He dispatched Kash Patel, a deputy assistant to the president, and Roger Carstens, special presidential envoy for hostages affairs. They met with Syrian national security chief Ali Mamluk.

Syria’s al-Watan newspaper, which is close to the regime, reported that the American officials were surprised by the Syrian insistence that there can be no discussions or cooperation with Washington before addressing American troop withdrawal from eastern Syria.

Another approach is being led by Lebanese General Security chief Abbas Ibrahim. The official had previously played a prominent role in mediating the release of foreign and Arab hostages held in Syria and Iran. Earlier this year, he relayed a number of messages between Damascus and Washington over the release of Tice and seven American-Syrians. The messages were sent at the height of Trump’s debating whether American troops should remain in eastern Syria and before the Caesar Act went into effect.

The Syrians at the time demand a “complete troop withdrawal” from the east. Assad then brought the negotiations to a halt because he believed he would reap more gains if they were tackled before the American elections in November, said an informed western official.

The official confirmed the ongoing coordination between Ibrahim, Damascus and Tehran in the hostages file. He revealed that priority is being placed on the dismantling of the al-Tanf base and the withdrawal of American forces, instead of the sanctions file and caution is being shown to avoid obstructing efforts to reconstruct Syria and restore relations with Arab countries. He revealed that efforts are being made to ensure that Trump is not given an “electoral gift” that would boost his chances in November.

The third approach is being led by influential Arab countries whereby Arab businessmen have carried out visits to Damascus and western capitals in order to assess whether they intend to exert serious efforts to release Tice and other hostages. Such a move would have been part of a series of “confidence-building” measures ahead of reaching a “major deal” that would include other issues, such Iran’s role in Syria, rebuilding the war-torn country, suspending sanctions, normalizing relations and resuming peace negotiations between Damascus and Tel Aviv.

The western official confirmed that Arab countries are keen on establishing an American-Syrian course that begins with the hostages file and supports Trump in the elections and that would ultimately lead to wider negotiations in early 2021 - regardless of who wins the American elections - to reach a major strategic deal.

At this point two options are available. The first calls for striking a small deal that includes the release of Tice and others in exchange for some “exemptions” from the Caesar Act and dropping the veto on Damascus’ normalization of ties with Arab or western countries in the hope of reviving the Syrian economy. The other option could see Syria gradually restoring its strategic role and address issues such as Iran, peace, reconstruction and troop withdrawals.

The main stumbling block for the Americans however, is that Damascus has not offered any evidence that proves that Tice is alive and that it is holding him. Al-Watan reported that Tice had disappeared in mysterious circumstances in Damascus’ eastern Ghouta and nothing has been heard of him since. It speculated that he may have disappeared during then clashes between extremist groups in eastern Ghouta. Significantly, Damascus presented a long list of demands throughout the three different negotiations approaches even before it confirmed whether it was holding Tice. It has only speculated that he is being held by extremists. This may just be the beginning of the long grueling road of negotiations.

On the other hand, the US still has its own cards and may continue to opt to forge ahead with slapping more sanctions against Damascus as part of the Caesar Act until partial breakthroughs or major strategic changes are achieved.



This Ramadan, Relief and Hope Bump against Uncertainty in the New Syria

Residents walk in the market on the first day of Ramadan, the holy month for Muslims, in Damascus, Syria, Saturday March 1, 2025.(AP)
Residents walk in the market on the first day of Ramadan, the holy month for Muslims, in Damascus, Syria, Saturday March 1, 2025.(AP)
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This Ramadan, Relief and Hope Bump against Uncertainty in the New Syria

Residents walk in the market on the first day of Ramadan, the holy month for Muslims, in Damascus, Syria, Saturday March 1, 2025.(AP)
Residents walk in the market on the first day of Ramadan, the holy month for Muslims, in Damascus, Syria, Saturday March 1, 2025.(AP)

Sahar Diab had visited Damascus’ famed Umayyad Mosque previously. But as the Syrian lawyer went there to pray during her country’s first Ramadan after the end of the Assad family’s iron-fisted rule, she felt something new, something priceless: A sense of ease.

“The rituals have become much more beautiful,” she said. “Before, we were restricted in what we could say. ... Now, there’s freedom.”

As Diab spoke recently, however, details were trickling in from outside Damascus about deadly clashes. The bloodshed took on sectarian overtones and devolved into the worst violence since former President Bashar Assad was overthrown in December by armed insurgents led by the group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS).

This Ramadan — the Muslim holy month of daily fasting and heightened worship — such are the realities of a Syria undergoing complex transition. Relief, hope and joy at new openings — after 53 years of the Assad dynasty’s reign, prolonged civil war and crushing economic woes — intermingle with uncertainty, fear by some, and a particularly bloody and worrisome wave of violence.

Some are feeling empowered, others vulnerable.

“We’re not afraid of anything,” Diab said. She wants her country to be rebuilt and to get rid of Assad-era “corruption and bribery.”

At the Umayyad Mosque, the rituals were age-old: A woman fingering a prayer bead and kissing a copy of the Quran; the faithful standing shoulder-to-shoulder and prostrating in prayer; the Umayyad’s iconic and unusual group call to prayer, recited by several people.

Muslim worshippers pray during the Muslim holy month of Ramadan at the Umayyad Mosque in Damascus, Syria, Friday March 7, 2025. (AP)

The sermon, by contrast, was fiery in delivery and new in message.

The speaker, often interrupted by loud chants of “God is great,” railed against Assad and hailed the uprising against him.

“Our revolution is not a sectarian revolution even though we’d been slaughtered by the sword of sectarianism,” he said.

This Ramadan, Syrians marked the 14th anniversary of the start of their country’s civil war. The conflict began as a peaceful revolt against the regime, before Assad crushed the protests and a civil war erupted.

It became increasingly fought along sectarian lines, drawing in foreign powers and fighters. Assad, who had ruled over a majority Sunni population, belongs to the minority Alawite sect and had drawn from Alawite ranks for military and security positions, fueling resentment. That, Alawites say now, shouldn’t mean collective blame for his actions.

Many Syrians speak of omnipresent fear under Assad, often citing the Arabic saying, “the walls have ears,” reflecting that speaking up even privately didn’t feel safe. They talk of hardships, injustices and brutality. Now, for example, many celebrate freedom from dreaded Assad-era checkpoints.

“They would harass us,” said Ahmed Saad Aldeen, who came to the Umayyad Mosque from the city of Homs. “You go out ... and you don’t know whether you’ll return home or not.”

He said more than a dozen cousins are missing; a search for them in prisons proved futile.

Mohammed Qudmani said even going to the mosque caused anxiety for some before, for fear of getting on security forces’ radar screen or being labeled a “terrorist.”

Now, Damascus streets are bedecked with the new three-starred flag, not long ago a symbol of Assad's opponents. It flutters from poles and is plastered to walls, sometimes with the words “God is great” handwritten on it.

One billboard declares this the “Ramadan of victory.” On a government building, the faces of former presidents Bashar and Hafez al-Assad are partly cut off from a painting; in their place, “Freedom” is scribbled in Arabic.

Haidar Haidar, who owns a sweets shop, said he was touched that new security force members gave him water and dates while he was out when a call to prayer signaled that those fasting can eat and drink.

“We never saw such things here,” he said, adding that he used to recite Quranic verses for protection before passing through Assad’s checkpoints.

He said his business was doing well this Ramadan and ingredients have become more available.

A boy buys sweets on the first day of Ramadan, the holy month for Muslims, in Damascus, Syria, Saturday March 1, 2025.(AP)

Still, challenges — economic, geopolitical and otherwise — abound.

Many dream of a new Syria, but exactly how that would look remains uncertain.

“The situation is foggy,” said Damascus resident Wassim Bassimah. “Of course, there’s great joy that we’ve gotten rid of the cancer we had, but there’s also a lot of wariness.”

Syrians, he added, must be mindful to protect their country from sliding back into civil war and should maintain a dialogue that is inclusive of all.

“The external enemies are still there,” he said. “So are the enemies from within.”

The war’s scars are inescapable.

Just outside of Damascus, death and destruction are seared into some landscapes littered with pockmarked and ruined structures. Many Syrians grieve the missing and killed; many families have been divided by the exodus of millions as refugees.

Ramadan typically sees festive gatherings with loved ones to break the daily fast. Some Syrians huddle around food and juices at restaurants or throng to Ramadan tents to break their fast and smoke waterpipes as they listen to songs.

But this month’s violence in Syria’s coastal region has stoked fears among some.

The bloodshed began after reports of attacks by Assad loyalists on government security forces. Human rights and monitoring groups reported revenge killings in the counteroffensive, which they said saw the involvement of multiple groups. According to them, hundreds of civilians, or more, were killed; figures couldn't be independently confirmed. The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights said most of the killed civilians were Alawites in addition to a number of armed Alawites and security forces. Syrian authorities have formed a committee tasked with investigating the violence.

Even before the bloodshed, while many celebrated the new government, others questioned what the ascent of the former opposition forces would mean for freedoms, including of minorities and of those in the majority who are secular-minded or adhere to less conservative interpretations of Islam. The new authorities have made assurances about pluralism.

Sheikh Adham al-Khatib, a representative of Twelver Shiites in Syria, said many from the Shiite minority felt scared after Assad’s ouster and some fled the country. Some later returned, encouraged by a relative calm and the new authorities’ reassurances, he said, but the recent violence and some “individual transgressions" have rekindled fears.