Amr Moussa: Western Countries Betrayed Arab Mandate to Security Council on Libya Civilian Protection

Amr Moussa speaks with Hillary Clinton
Amr Moussa speaks with Hillary Clinton
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Amr Moussa: Western Countries Betrayed Arab Mandate to Security Council on Libya Civilian Protection

Amr Moussa speaks with Hillary Clinton
Amr Moussa speaks with Hillary Clinton

In this seventh and final episode of excerpts from the new book of former Arab League Secretary General Amr Moussa, “The Years of the Arab League,” which will soon be published by Dar Al-Shorouk, we continue Moussa’s narration of the events of the Libyan revolution that erupted in February 2011, for which two chapters are devoted.

This episode focuses on the Arab mandate to protect Libyan civilians. Moussa recounts how the Arabs were deceived by a number of Western countries.

He explains that he told all parties in Paris that the Security Council resolution aimed to protect Libyan civilians, not to invade or occupy Libya, and that he condemned the coalition attack on Libyan targets, saying: “Instead of protecting civilians, it caused victims.”

Concerns that some forces will exploit the air embargo on Libya topped discussions during the emergency meeting of the Council of Arab Foreign Ministers on March 12, 2011, Moussa says.

“Whoever reviews the text of Paragraph 1 after the preamble in the decision issued by that meeting will find it stating: To request the Security Council to assume its responsibilities regarding the deteriorating situation in Libya, to take measures to impose an immediate no-fly zone on the movement of Libyan military aircrafts, and to establish safe areas in places subjected to bombing, as preventive measures that allow protection for the Libyan people and residents of Libya of various nationalities, with taking into account the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the neighboring countries.”

Moussa adds that no Arab country objected to the expression, “as a preventive measure.”

“I said that this expression would control the wording and reassure public opinion. We are not only dealing with the Security Council or with the Libyan authorities, but with the public opinion as well; so matters must be clear.”

He continues: “We explained this Arab concept of a flight ban on Libya to the Security Council and the Western powers, who stressed their understanding of it. But the truth is that we were deceived… As soon as the decision was issued, they hit sites in Libya, which led to casualties among civilians. They targeted the country’s air defense systems, which also provoked Russia, as the systems were Russian. The Russians in general had significant objections to hitting ground targets in Libya.”

Moussa notes that it later became clear that the US had a list of Libyan targets that it insisted on striking. The US considered the air embargo to be a symbolic step, and that UN support for more robust military action should be provided if necessary.

Security Council Resolution 1973

Moussa recounts that in response to the ongoing threats against civilians committed by Moammar Gaddafi, the Security Council convened to discuss a draft resolution submitted by Britain, France, Lebanon (the Council’s Arab member) and the US to impose a no-fly zone on Libyan territory to protect civilians. The first session was held on March 15, followed by another the next day.

“But due to a split in the Council on the draft, both sessions ended with no agreement,” he says.

Finally, the Security Council, in Resolution 1973, affirmed the responsibility of the Libyan authorities to protect the Libyan people and condemned the gross and systematic violations of human rights. The Council authorized member states to take “all necessary measures” to protect civilians and areas with civilian populations at risk of attacks, including Benghazi, while excluding any foreign occupation force of any form and on any part of Libyan territory.

Moussa says that the expression, “taking all necessary measures to protect civilians” was exploited by a number of countries with interests in Libya.

The Paris Meeting

The Arab League secretary-general recounts that French President Nicolas Sarkozy was one of the strongest advocates of the military option in striking Gaddafi’s forces, under the pretext of protecting civilians, as the following days have proven.

“On March 10, 2011, Paris was the first capital to recognize the National Transitional Council (NTC), which was formed by the rebel leaders in Benghazi on Feb. 27, as the sole and legitimate representative of the Libyan people…
Sarkozy organized a meeting in Paris on March 19, 2011, in the presence of prominent international figures, including: United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, European Union Foreign Policy chief Catherine Ashton, Spanish Prime Minister Jose Luis Zapatero, and German Chancellor Angela Merkel, Qatari Prime Minister Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim, British Prime Minister David Cameron, Emirati Foreign Minister Abdullah bin Zayed, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, Jordanian Foreign Minister Nasser Judeh, Moroccan Foreign Minister Taieb Fassi El-Fihri, and Hoshyar Zebari, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Iraq, as well as others.”

Moussa says he thought about boycotting the meeting over his doubts about the intentions of western countries, especially France. But he adds that former Jordanian Minister of Foreign Affairs, who had been appointed as the representative of the UN in Libya as of March 7, 2011, insisted that he attend the talks.

“Sarkozy addressed the conference, saying: “The French Air Force will oppose any attack by Gaddafi’s planes against the residents of Benghazi. Indeed, our planes prevent airstrikes on this city. There are other French aircraft ready to intervene against armored vehicles that threaten unarmed civilians... Today, we are operating in Libya under the mandate of the Security Council with our partners, including our Arab partners. We are doing this in order to protect the civilian population from the madness of the murderous regime, which lost its full legitimacy by killing its own people... We intervene to allow the Libyan people to determine their fate.””

Moussa continues: “Sarkozy’s speech provoked me to the greatest extent. Because he openly spoke about circumventing the air embargo on Gaddafi’s forces, which was approved by Security Council Resolution 1973… and of his air force’s readiness to strike Gaddafi’s forces on the ground…”

The Arab League secretary-general says that in his address to the meeting, he reiterated that the purpose of the aforementioned Security Council resolution was to protect Libyan civilians only, and that the resolution did not give any party legitimacy to invade or occupy Libya.

“It was clear that I was filled with anger… Hamad bin Jassim told me: “The issue is over, brother Amr,”” Moussa recounts.

“My suspicion soon proved to be true… The civilian issue was a Trojan horse to overthrow Gaddafi. On the same day of the Paris meeting, before I arrived in Cairo back from the French capital, French warplanes began bombing Libyan defensive ground sites. After following up on this news about the military action on the Libyan lands, I knew once again that we were deceived, and that what was actually taking place in warfare went beyond Security Council Resolution 1973, which provides only for a no-fly zone on Libyan territory to prevent Gaddafi from striking civilians who are opposed to him.”

With a special agreement with Dar El-Shorouk. All rights reserved



Targeting of Deif: Symbolic Blow to Al-Qassam Brigades Deepens Leadership Crisis

Palestinians stand near covered bodies after an Israeli air strike in the Al-Mawasi area of Khan Yunis, southern Gaza Strip, 13 July 2024. EPA/MOHAMMED SABER
Palestinians stand near covered bodies after an Israeli air strike in the Al-Mawasi area of Khan Yunis, southern Gaza Strip, 13 July 2024. EPA/MOHAMMED SABER
TT

Targeting of Deif: Symbolic Blow to Al-Qassam Brigades Deepens Leadership Crisis

Palestinians stand near covered bodies after an Israeli air strike in the Al-Mawasi area of Khan Yunis, southern Gaza Strip, 13 July 2024. EPA/MOHAMMED SABER
Palestinians stand near covered bodies after an Israeli air strike in the Al-Mawasi area of Khan Yunis, southern Gaza Strip, 13 July 2024. EPA/MOHAMMED SABER

Israel killed dozens of Palestinians on Saturday in an attempt to assassinate Mohammed Deif, leader of Hamas’ military wing, the Al-Qassam Brigades, alongside his deputy, the head of the Khan Younis brigade, Rafa Salama.

This is at least the seventh attempt in 30 years to eliminate Deif.

Israel awaits confirmation of Deif’s death, which, if confirmed, would be a significant propaganda victory during the current Gaza conflict. Hamas denies Israel’s claims, calling the incident another civilian massacre.

The potential success of this operation raises questions about its impact on the Al-Qassam Brigades, whose leaders have been targeted since Israel’s recent conflict escalation following the Oct.7 attacks.

Understanding Deif’s role is crucial—he is the second leader of the Al-Qassam Brigades, assuming his position after the assassination by the Israeli army of its former commander, Salah Shahada, on July 23, 2002.

However, he is widely regarded as the architect of the group’s significant military strength.

Sources informed Asharq Al-Awsat that shortly after assuming leadership of Al-Qassam Brigades, specifically in 2003, Deif swiftly obtained authorization from Hamas’ political leadership to establish a large military force, effectively an army, and immediately began implementation.

Despite numerous assassination attempts and the loss of many of his aides and family members, Deif has never ceased in his efforts, persisting in building this “large army” which has over the years become the foremost Palestinian force and to some extent, a deterrent against Israel.

Since the Oct. 7 attacks, Israel’s repeated attempts to assassinate Deif have intensified, following six previous failed efforts.

Deif’s ability to evade capture elevated him beyond his role in Hamas’ Al-Qassam Brigades to a symbol of Palestinian resilience.

Israel claims Deif was the driving force behind Hamas’ military strength and the mastermind behind their tunnel network.

His potential absence could impact morale within Al-Qassam Brigades.

Nevertheless, Al-Qassam Brigades have a history of displaying flexibility in their military structure.

For example, when Israel assassinated Ahmed Jabari, known as Hamas’ “Chief of Staff,” in 2012, Marwan Issa was immediately appointed as his successor. In the aftermath of the Oct.7 attacks, Israel killed Issa.

Al-Qassam Brigades have a comprehensive military structure encompassing military justice, manufacturing, oversight, support and combat weapons, operations, intelligence, internal front, human resources, and institutes and colleges.

If Israel succeeds in assassinating Deif and Salama, it would have eliminated nearly all members of the military council.

The exceptions include Mohammed Shabana, leader of the Rafah Brigade, Azzedine al-Haddad, commander of the Gaza Brigade, and the uncertain fate of Raed Saad, previously claimed to be assassinated by Israel without confirmation, along with Mohammed al-Sinwar, brother of Gaza’s Hamas leader Yahya al-Sinwar.

The Sinwar brothers are known to be close associates of Deif and are believed to be alive.

Despite the ongoing assassinations that have targeted 14 brigade commanders and other leaders across Gaza, Hamas sources suggest that if Deif is killed and the Sinwar brothers survive, Mohammed al-Sinwar is likely to take over leadership of the Al-Qassam Brigades.

According to Hamas sources, the brigades’ future leadership will be decided by the political bureau, adapting to the operational situation.

Operations will continue under a structure established since the fourth month of the ongoing conflict, with each brigade following a hierarchical command from the brigade commander down to unit leaders, factions, and other military groups.

Despite losing many political and military leaders over the years, including its founders, Hamas remains strong in Gaza.