Years-Long Struggle Threatens to Split Iraq’s PMF

A photo of Iraq's top Shiite cleric, Ali Sistani, in Karbala, Iraq. AFP file photo
A photo of Iraq's top Shiite cleric, Ali Sistani, in Karbala, Iraq. AFP file photo
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Years-Long Struggle Threatens to Split Iraq’s PMF

A photo of Iraq's top Shiite cleric, Ali Sistani, in Karbala, Iraq. AFP file photo
A photo of Iraq's top Shiite cleric, Ali Sistani, in Karbala, Iraq. AFP file photo

Around the corner from Iraq's holiest shrines, a years-long struggle over allegiances and resources is coming to a head -- threatening a dangerous schism within a powerful state-sponsored security force.

The growing fissure pits the vast Iran-aligned wing of the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) network against four factions linked to the shrines of Iraq's twin holy cities, Karbala and Najaf.

Those factions, dubbed "the Shrine Mobilization" and comprising around 20,000 active fighters, held their first strategic planning meeting earlier this month.

Throughout the packed three days, spokesmen for the shrine groups leaned on two sources of legitimacy: a patriotic, "Iraq-only" discourse, and the blessing of the "marjaiyah," Iraq's Shiite spiritual leadership.

"The Shrine Mobilization are the origin of the broader PMF," Hazem Sakhr, a spokesman for the four factions, told AFP.

"We are committed to Iraqi law and the marjaiyah's orders."

Maytham al-Zaidi, the prominent commander of the largest shrine group known as the Abbas Combat Division, struck a nationalistic, reformist tone.

"The main reasons for establishing the Shrine Mobilization is to serve our country, and to correct both its track record and trajectory," he said.

Ali al-Hamdani, who heads the 3,000-member Ali al-Akbar Brigade, said the meeting -- held in Najaf and Karbala -- was "exclusively" for the Shrine Mobilization, setting their future apart from the rest.

Hamdi Malik, a London-based expert on Shiite factions, said the shrine groups were now publicly insisting on a separation.

"They are escalating with this new conference, and want to accelerate that process," Malik told AFP.

The PMF network was formed in 2014 when Iraq's top Shiite cleric, Ali Sistani, issued an edict urging citizens to fight the advancing extremists of ISIS.

His call brought together already-existing paramilitary factions and new formations, including the Shrine Mobilization.

But internal disputes emerged as early as 2016, with Malik pointing to three main fault lines.

Shrine factions began complaining that they were being starved of resources by Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, the umbrella group's deputy head.

Muhandis died in a US strike in January this year that also killed his friend, top Iranian general, Qasem Soleimani.

The Shrine Mobilization had accused Muhandis of prioritizing factions closer to Tehran in the distribution of military equipment and state-allocated salaries.

Malik said the tug-of-war was linked to a second, more profound split: a "real ideological divide" over ties to neighboring Iran, which had long provided support to armed groups in Iraq.

Those factions are even dubbed "the loyalist Mobilization" for their perceived allegiance to Tehran over Baghdad.

At the meeting, spokesmen were careful not to specifically criticize Iran but repeatedly rejected what they characterized as external meddling.

"Foreign intervention is dangerous. The Shrine Mobilization rejects all shapes and sizes it may come in," Sakhr said.

The 90-year-old Sistani, known to be wary of Iran's influence, has not commented publicly on the meeting -- but it would not have gone ahead without his tacit approval, said Malik.

"It's important for Sistani, while he is alive and capable, that he puts his house in order," said Sajad Jiyad, a fellow at US think tank The Century Foundation.

Thirdly, shrine-linked groups have looked disdainfully at the PMF's dabbling in politics.

"Sistani had given clear instructions that no PMF member should participate in politics. But pro-Iran factions in the PMF created the Fatah alliance and took part in the 2018 parliamentary elections," Malik said.

Fatah won the second-largest number of seats and wields significant influence in both parliament and several government ministries.

With new elections set to be held in June 2021, shrine factions have said they will stick to Sistani's orders.

"Our members are free to participate as voters but not as candidates," said Mushtaq Abbas Maan, the media head for Karbala's Abbas shrine, which sponsors the factions.

While The Century Foundation's Jiyad said he doubted armed conflict would erupt between the two wings, he said a divorce would likely be messy.

The Shrine Mobilization still lack a legal or administrative framework to govern their forces outside the broader network's by-laws, and government decrees linking them to the prime minister's office have been slow to take hold.

At the conference, Maan appealed to the premier, who is Iraq's commander-in-chief, to "urgently" bring shrine factions under his wing, thereby finalizing their split from the wider network.

But shrine factions also fear that if they peel away, "loyalist" groups could monopolize the PMF's budget, fighting force and political influence, Malik said.

Their moves have already irked the Iran-linked PMF, whose commanders declined AFP's requests for comment.

But the sharp-tongued Qais al-Khazali, who heads a powerful Mobilization faction known as Asaib Ahl al-Haq, told state media last month that a secession by shrine groups could prompt other wings to strike out on their own, too.

"The PMF will be divided into three. That means the end of the PMF," he warned.



Gaza’s Eid al-Fitr Overshadowed by War, Hardship

Children with Eid cookie trays (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Children with Eid cookie trays (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Gaza’s Eid al-Fitr Overshadowed by War, Hardship

Children with Eid cookie trays (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Children with Eid cookie trays (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Residents of Gaza face dire conditions as they celebrate Eid al-Fitr, with Israeli airstrikes continuing and no sign of a ceasefire despite ongoing mediation efforts for a temporary truce during the Eid.

Hopes for a respite have faded as the war drags on, leaving many in Gaza deeply disappointed by the failure of mediators to broker a ceasefire as of the time of writing. The renewed fighting has worsened hardships endured during Ramadan, with residents bracing for further suffering should the conflict persist through Eid.

Ramzi Salah, 39, a resident of Al-Shati refugee camp in western Gaza City, had hoped to spend this Eid free from the relentless Israeli bombardment that has gripped the enclave, spreading fear among civilians.

Instead, he faces a third consecutive holiday—and a second Eid al-Fitr—devoid of joy.

“Our lives have become hell—no peace, no calm, not even the joy of Ramadan or Eid,” Salah told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“What crime have the children committed to be deprived of happiness? Families can't even afford to buy them clothes or gifts.”

Speaking in simple colloquial Arabic, he added: “Most people here are out of work. They can’t even find food, let alone buy new clothes or presents for their kids. Since the war began, we've been living in exceptional circumstances, but children still search for something—anything—to make them happy. And there's nothing.”

Adham Abu Suleiman, a resident of Gaza City’s Al-Nasr neighborhood, said the joy of Eid would always be incomplete as long as Israeli airstrikes continued and casualties mounted. He noted that many had hoped the ceasefire would hold and that war would not return in any form—but those hopes have been shattered.

“How can we celebrate when every family has lost someone dear, whether a loved one or even their home?” he said.

“Holidays and special occasions don’t heal these wounds, but at least spending them without the sound of bombs would make life feel a little better.”

A brief tour of Gaza’s markets revealed a limited supply of old clothes and shoes, with residents making modest purchases. A few sweets were available, but at steep prices.

Shopkeeper Rajab Al-Louh said business had nearly ground to a halt.

“People aren’t really buying—most just come to change their mood, to see what’s available,” he said.

“Sales are almost nonexistent, and we’re barely covering our own expenses,” he added.