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Warning Message from US to Region: Do Not Weaken Our Ability to Pressure Damascus

US forces patrol oil fields in Syria, Oct. 28, 2019. (AP)
US forces patrol oil fields in Syria, Oct. 28, 2019. (AP)
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Warning Message from US to Region: Do Not Weaken Our Ability to Pressure Damascus

US forces patrol oil fields in Syria, Oct. 28, 2019. (AP)
US forces patrol oil fields in Syria, Oct. 28, 2019. (AP)

The latest American sanctions against Damascus and the Middle East tour carried out by Joel Rayburn, US Special Envoy for Syria in the US State Department, delivered a strong message that a change in administration in Washington does not mean a change in policy or an end to the regime’s isolation.

Even if tactical changes were to be introduced, strategic changes on Syria will not happen, he said.

The sanctions came with an added “warning” against taking steps that could weaken Washington’s ability to continue its pressure campaign on Damascus.

The recent sanctions “shut the door for the possibility of holding negotiations between the US and Syria” and obstruct the possibility of opening “channels of dialogue.” Rather, they only increase the economic pressure on Damascus with the central bank being among the latest targets. The impact was immediate, with foreign banks declaring that they were halting operations in Damascus.

Coordination with London
Washington blacklisted Asma al-Assad, president Bashar’s wife, her father and two brothers, as well as businesses they own. In addition, it targeted security, economic and executive Syrian officials, including Lina Mohammed Nazir al-Kinayeh, whom the Treasury identified as an official in Assad’s presidential office, her husband, MP Mohammed Hammam Masouti, and their businesses, and others.

The latest sanctions take to 114 the number of individuals and entities that have been targeted since the Caesar Act came into effect in mid-June. Reports have said new sanctions will be announced before US President Donald Trump leaves the White House on January 20.

Rayburn said the latest sanctions were announced a year after Trump signed the Caesar Act.

“The United States remains committed to carrying out a sustained campaign of economic and political pressure to prevent the Assad regime and its staunchest supporters from amassing resources to fuel their war against the Syrian people,” he stressed on Tuesday.

“To that end, the United States is imposing sanctions on 18 more individuals and entities, including the Central Bank of Syria. These individuals and corrupt businesses are impeding efforts to reach a political and peaceful resolution to the Syrian conflict, as called for by UN Security Council Resolution 2254,” he added.

“Among those individuals sanctioned today are Asma al-Assad and some of her immediate relatives, all of whom are based in the United Kingdom. Asma al-Assad has spearheaded efforts on behalf of the regime to consolidate economic and political power, including by using her so-called charities and civil society organizations. Her and her family’s corruption is one of the many reasons that this conflict lingers on,” he remarked.

Rayburn said it was “significant” that Asma and her immediate relatives – her father, Fawaz Akhras; Asma al-Assad’s mother, Sahar Otri Akhras; Asma al-Assad’s brothers, Firas Akhras and Eyad Akhras – were being targeted.

He noted that all of these figures are dual Syrian and UK citizens and are all based in the UK.

“We coordinated this action with our UK counterparts,” he revealed. “Our UK counterparts are very, very close partners of ours on the Syria file. And so we did everything in conjunction with them. We would never surprise them on this because we’re in a very close strategic partnership with the UK on Syria.”

It remains to be seen whether the British government or European Union will also sanction the same individuals.

Tuesday’s sanctions reveal that Washington will continue to exert pressure on the Akhras family, Asma and her entourage. They also send a strong message that Syrians and non-Syrians who cooperate with the regime may be sanctioned. The third message is that anyone anywhere cooperating with the regime may be targeted.

Closing the door
Politically, some of the latest blacklisted figures used to play a role in the “second path” or “second door” of negotiations with American parties. They had held secret meetings in London to tackle western sanctions on Damascus, among other issues.

Their designation makes such talks “legally impossible” in the future. The message of the “Syrian file team” in Washington is that “you cannot be a mediator in London or any other European capital and also a partner to Damascus.”

The Caesar Act bars any dealings with the regime.

Significantly, some of the American officials who were part of this negotiations path will possibly play a role in managing the Syrian file in Joe Biden’s administration. The sanctions, effectively, put an end to this option.

Rayburn had recently concluded a tour of the region that included Turkey, Egypt, Israel, Iraq, northeastern Syria and other countries.

The tour served as a “reminder” and a “warning” to concerned countries of the American goals in Syria: ensuring the defeat of ISIS, pressuring Iran to pull out from the country and pressuring the regime to implement resolution 2254.

These are not the goals of US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo or Raybun, but of America. The change in officials, will not change the goals. A change in administration, does not mean a change in policy.

“I think that those goals already have a consensus behind them in Washington, and I really don’t think you’re going to see a significant change away from those goals. You can – there are different people who will come into different positions; they can have good ideas about how to implement those goals better. But I don’t think you’re going to see a discarding of those goals,” stressed Rayburn.

“I think you can count on the United States as well as the other like-minded countries to continue seeking those goals regardless of who is in the White House,” he added.

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Damascus’ Mazzeh 86 Neighborhood, Witness of The Two-Assad Era

Members of the Syrian Arab Red Crescent stand near the wreckage of a car after what the Syrian state television said was a "guided missile attack" on the car in the Mazzeh area of Damascus, Syria October 21, 2024. REUTERS/Firas Makdesi
Members of the Syrian Arab Red Crescent stand near the wreckage of a car after what the Syrian state television said was a "guided missile attack" on the car in the Mazzeh area of Damascus, Syria October 21, 2024. REUTERS/Firas Makdesi
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Damascus’ Mazzeh 86 Neighborhood, Witness of The Two-Assad Era

Members of the Syrian Arab Red Crescent stand near the wreckage of a car after what the Syrian state television said was a "guided missile attack" on the car in the Mazzeh area of Damascus, Syria October 21, 2024. REUTERS/Firas Makdesi
Members of the Syrian Arab Red Crescent stand near the wreckage of a car after what the Syrian state television said was a "guided missile attack" on the car in the Mazzeh area of Damascus, Syria October 21, 2024. REUTERS/Firas Makdesi

In the Mazzeh 86 neighborhood, west of the Syrian capital Damascus, the names of many shops, grocery stores, and public squares still serve as a reminder of the era of ousted Syrian President Bashar al-Assad and his late father, Hafez al-Assad.

This is evident in landmarks like the “Al-Hafez Restaurant,” one of the prominent features of this area. Squares such as “Al-Areen,” “Officers,” and “Bride of the Mountain” evoke memories of the buildings surrounding them, which once housed influential officials and high-ranking officers in intelligence and security agencies. These individuals instilled fear in Syrians for five decades until their historic escape on the night of the regime’s collapse last month.

In this neighborhood, the effects of Israeli bombing are clearly visible, as it was targeted multiple times. Meanwhile, its narrow streets and alleys were strewn with military uniforms abandoned by leaders who fled before military operations arrived and liberated the area from their grip on December 8 of last year.

Here, stark contradictions come to light during a tour by Asharq Al-Awsat in a district that, until recently, was largely loyal to the former president. Muaz, a 42-year-old resident of the area, recounts how most officers and security personnel shed their military uniforms and discarded them in the streets on the night of Assad’s escape.

He said: “Many of them brought down their weapons and military ranks in the streets and fled to their hometowns along the Syrian coast.”

Administratively part of Damascus, Mazzeh 86 consists of concrete blocks randomly built between the Mazzeh Western Villas area, the Mazzeh Highway, and the well-known Sheikh Saad commercial district. Its ownership originally belonged to the residents of the Mazzeh area in Damascus. The region was once agricultural land and rocky mountain terrain. The peaks extending toward Mount Qasioun were previously seized by the Ministry of Defense, which instructed security and army personnel to build homes there without requiring property ownership documents.

Suleiman, a 30-year-old shop owner, who sells white meat and chicken, hails from the city of Jableh in the coastal province of Latakia. His father moved to this neighborhood in the 1970s to work as an army assistant.

Suleiman says he hears the sound of gunfire every evening, while General Security patrols roam the streets “searching for remnants of the former regime and wanted individuals who refuse to surrender their weapons. We fear reprisals and just want to live in peace.”

He mentioned that prices before December 8 were exorbitant and beyond the purchasing power of Syrians, with the price of a kilogram of chicken exceeding 60,000 Syrian pounds and a carton of eggs reaching 75,000.

“A single egg was sold for 2,500 pounds, which is far beyond the purchasing power of any employee in the public or private sector,” due to low salaries and the deteriorating living conditions across the country,” Suleiman added.

On the sides of the roads, pictures of the fugitive president and his father, Hafez al-Assad, were torn down, while military vehicles were parked, awaiting instructions.

Maram, 46, who previously worked as a civilian employee in the Ministry of Defense, says she is waiting for the resolution of employment statuses for workers in army institutions. She stated: “So far, there are no instructions regarding our situation. The army forces and security personnel have been given the opportunity for settlement, but there is no talk about us.”

The neighborhood, in its current form, dates back to the 1980s when Rifaat al-Assad, the younger brother of former President Hafez al-Assad, was allowed to construct the “Defense Palace,” which was referred to as “Brigade 86.” Its location is the same area now known as Mazzeh Jabal 86.

The area is divided into two parts: Mazzeh Madrasa (School) and Mazzeh Khazan (Tank). The first takes its name from the first school built and opened in the area, while the second is named after the water tank that supplies the entire Mazzeh region.

Two sources from the Mazzeh Municipality and the Mukhtar’s office estimate the neighborhood’s current population at approximately 200,000, down from over 300,000 before Assad’s fall. Most residents originate from Syria’s coastal regions, followed by those from interior provinces like Homs and Hama. There was also a portion of Kurds who had moved from the Jazira region in northeastern Syria to live there, but most returned to their areas due to the security grip and after the “Crisis Cell” bombing that killed senior security officials in mid-2012.

Along the main street connecting Al-Huda Square to Al-Sahla Pharmacy, torn images of President Hafez al-Assad are visible for the first time in this area in five decades. On balconies and walls, traces of Bashar al-Assad’s posters remain, bearing witness to his 24-year era.