Warning Message from US to Region: Do Not Weaken Our Ability to Pressure Damascus

US forces patrol oil fields in Syria, Oct. 28, 2019. (AP)
US forces patrol oil fields in Syria, Oct. 28, 2019. (AP)
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Warning Message from US to Region: Do Not Weaken Our Ability to Pressure Damascus

US forces patrol oil fields in Syria, Oct. 28, 2019. (AP)
US forces patrol oil fields in Syria, Oct. 28, 2019. (AP)

The latest American sanctions against Damascus and the Middle East tour carried out by Joel Rayburn, US Special Envoy for Syria in the US State Department, delivered a strong message that a change in administration in Washington does not mean a change in policy or an end to the regime’s isolation.

Even if tactical changes were to be introduced, strategic changes on Syria will not happen, he said.

The sanctions came with an added “warning” against taking steps that could weaken Washington’s ability to continue its pressure campaign on Damascus.

The recent sanctions “shut the door for the possibility of holding negotiations between the US and Syria” and obstruct the possibility of opening “channels of dialogue.” Rather, they only increase the economic pressure on Damascus with the central bank being among the latest targets. The impact was immediate, with foreign banks declaring that they were halting operations in Damascus.

Coordination with London
Washington blacklisted Asma al-Assad, president Bashar’s wife, her father and two brothers, as well as businesses they own. In addition, it targeted security, economic and executive Syrian officials, including Lina Mohammed Nazir al-Kinayeh, whom the Treasury identified as an official in Assad’s presidential office, her husband, MP Mohammed Hammam Masouti, and their businesses, and others.

The latest sanctions take to 114 the number of individuals and entities that have been targeted since the Caesar Act came into effect in mid-June. Reports have said new sanctions will be announced before US President Donald Trump leaves the White House on January 20.

Rayburn said the latest sanctions were announced a year after Trump signed the Caesar Act.

“The United States remains committed to carrying out a sustained campaign of economic and political pressure to prevent the Assad regime and its staunchest supporters from amassing resources to fuel their war against the Syrian people,” he stressed on Tuesday.

“To that end, the United States is imposing sanctions on 18 more individuals and entities, including the Central Bank of Syria. These individuals and corrupt businesses are impeding efforts to reach a political and peaceful resolution to the Syrian conflict, as called for by UN Security Council Resolution 2254,” he added.

“Among those individuals sanctioned today are Asma al-Assad and some of her immediate relatives, all of whom are based in the United Kingdom. Asma al-Assad has spearheaded efforts on behalf of the regime to consolidate economic and political power, including by using her so-called charities and civil society organizations. Her and her family’s corruption is one of the many reasons that this conflict lingers on,” he remarked.

Rayburn said it was “significant” that Asma and her immediate relatives – her father, Fawaz Akhras; Asma al-Assad’s mother, Sahar Otri Akhras; Asma al-Assad’s brothers, Firas Akhras and Eyad Akhras – were being targeted.

He noted that all of these figures are dual Syrian and UK citizens and are all based in the UK.

“We coordinated this action with our UK counterparts,” he revealed. “Our UK counterparts are very, very close partners of ours on the Syria file. And so we did everything in conjunction with them. We would never surprise them on this because we’re in a very close strategic partnership with the UK on Syria.”

It remains to be seen whether the British government or European Union will also sanction the same individuals.

Tuesday’s sanctions reveal that Washington will continue to exert pressure on the Akhras family, Asma and her entourage. They also send a strong message that Syrians and non-Syrians who cooperate with the regime may be sanctioned. The third message is that anyone anywhere cooperating with the regime may be targeted.

Closing the door
Politically, some of the latest blacklisted figures used to play a role in the “second path” or “second door” of negotiations with American parties. They had held secret meetings in London to tackle western sanctions on Damascus, among other issues.

Their designation makes such talks “legally impossible” in the future. The message of the “Syrian file team” in Washington is that “you cannot be a mediator in London or any other European capital and also a partner to Damascus.”

The Caesar Act bars any dealings with the regime.

Significantly, some of the American officials who were part of this negotiations path will possibly play a role in managing the Syrian file in Joe Biden’s administration. The sanctions, effectively, put an end to this option.

Rayburn had recently concluded a tour of the region that included Turkey, Egypt, Israel, Iraq, northeastern Syria and other countries.

The tour served as a “reminder” and a “warning” to concerned countries of the American goals in Syria: ensuring the defeat of ISIS, pressuring Iran to pull out from the country and pressuring the regime to implement resolution 2254.

These are not the goals of US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo or Raybun, but of America. The change in officials, will not change the goals. A change in administration, does not mean a change in policy.

“I think that those goals already have a consensus behind them in Washington, and I really don’t think you’re going to see a significant change away from those goals. You can – there are different people who will come into different positions; they can have good ideas about how to implement those goals better. But I don’t think you’re going to see a discarding of those goals,” stressed Rayburn.

“I think you can count on the United States as well as the other like-minded countries to continue seeking those goals regardless of who is in the White House,” he added.



Iraq Treads a Tightrope to Avoid Spillover from Israel-Iran Conflict 

Iraqi security forces close a bridge leading to the Green Zone where the US Embassy is located, during a protest against Israeli attacks on multiple cities across Iran, in Baghdad, Iraq, Monday, June 16, 2025. (AP)
Iraqi security forces close a bridge leading to the Green Zone where the US Embassy is located, during a protest against Israeli attacks on multiple cities across Iran, in Baghdad, Iraq, Monday, June 16, 2025. (AP)
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Iraq Treads a Tightrope to Avoid Spillover from Israel-Iran Conflict 

Iraqi security forces close a bridge leading to the Green Zone where the US Embassy is located, during a protest against Israeli attacks on multiple cities across Iran, in Baghdad, Iraq, Monday, June 16, 2025. (AP)
Iraqi security forces close a bridge leading to the Green Zone where the US Embassy is located, during a protest against Israeli attacks on multiple cities across Iran, in Baghdad, Iraq, Monday, June 16, 2025. (AP)

In Iraqi airspace, Iranian missiles and drones have crossed paths with Israeli warplanes, forcing Baghdad to step up efforts to avoid being drawn into the region's latest conflict.

But with Baghdad both an ally of Iran and a strategic partner of the United States, Israel's closest supporter, it may struggle to avoid the fighting spreading to its territory.

"There is a sizable risk of a spillover escalation in Iraq," said political analyst Sajad Jiyad.

"Iraqis have a right to be worried," he added.

With warnings of all-out regional war intensifying following Israel's surprise assault on Iran last week, fears are growing over an intervention by Iran-backed Iraqi factions, which have been calling for the withdrawal of US troops deployed in Iraq as part of an anti-ISIS coalition.

A senior Iraqi security official told AFP on condition of anonymity that among pro-Iran actors "everyone is cooperating with the government to keep Iraq away from conflict."

But Jiyad warned that if the US supports Israel's attacks, it "may lead to pro-Iran elements inside Iraq targeting US troops" or other American interests like the embassy in Baghdad or the consulate in Erbil, the capital of the autonomous Kurdistan region.

This could lead to the US and Israel taking retaliatory actions within Iraq, Jiyad added.

Iraq, which has been for years navigating a delicate balancing act between Tehran and Washington, has long been a fertile ground for proxy battles.

In 2020, during US President Donald Trump's first term, Washington killed Iran's esteemed Revolutionary Guards General Qassem Soleimani in Baghdad.

Most recently, amid the Israel-Hamas war in Gaza, Iraq was on the brink of being drawn into the conflict after pro-Iran factions launched numerous attacks on US troops in the region, as well as mostly failed attacks on Israel, in support of Palestinians.

Washington retaliated by hitting the armed groups.

In recent days, Baghdad has been working diplomatic channels to prevent the latest violence from spreading onto its turf.

It has called on Washington to prevent Israeli jets from using Iraqi airspace to carry out attacks against Iran.

It also asked Iran not to strike US targets in its territory, and was promised "positive things", according to a senior Iraqi official.

Israel's use of Iraq's airspace has angered pro-Iran groups, who accused US troops of allowing it.

Powerful armed faction Kataib Hezbollah stressed that Iran does not need "military support", but it said that the group is "closely monitoring" the US military in the region.

It warned that if Washington intervenes in the war, the group "will act directly against its interests and bases in the region without hesitation."

A US official urged the Iraqi government to "protect diplomatic missions, as well as US military personnel."

"We believe Iraq will be more stable and sovereign by becoming energy independent and distancing itself from Iran's malign influence," the official told AFP, referring to Iraq's dependency on gas imports from Iran.

The official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, warned that Iran-backed groups "continue to engage in violent and destabilizing activities in Iraq."

Israel's surprise attack on Iran targeted military and nuclear facilities and killed many top commanders and atomic scientists. Iran responded by unleashing barrages of missile strikes on Israel.

Tamer Badawi, an expert on Iraqi armed groups, said "the more Iran struggles to sustain its firepower against Israel, the likelier it becomes that Iraqi paramilitary actors will be drawn in."

For now, "Iran is trying to avoid collateral damage to its network by keeping its regional allies on standby. But this posture could shift," he added.

Before launching its attack on Iran, Israel had badly hit Tehran's proxies in the region, significantly weakening some groups, including Lebanon's Hezbollah.

"Beyond attacks within Iraq, Iran-backed Iraqi groups retain the capacity to target Israel from western Iraq using their missile arsenals, as they have done before," Badawi said.

They might also target American interests in Jordan.

But Iraqi officials say they have other plans for their country, which has only recently regained a semblance of stability after decades of devastating conflicts and turmoil.

Iraq is gearing up for its legislative elections in November, which are often marked by heated political wrangling.

For armed groups, elections are a crucial battleground as they strive to secure more seats in parliament.

"Sometimes, the sword must be kept in the sheath, but this does not mean abandoning our weapons," a commander of an armed faction told AFP.

The armed groups will not leave Iran, their "godfather... in the battle alone."