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New Mossad Deputy Approved

Deputy Yossi Cohen attends the weekly cabinet meeting at his office in Jerusalem on Jan. 10, 2016. (AP)
Deputy Yossi Cohen attends the weekly cabinet meeting at his office in Jerusalem on Jan. 10, 2016. (AP)
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New Mossad Deputy Approved

Deputy Yossi Cohen attends the weekly cabinet meeting at his office in Jerusalem on Jan. 10, 2016. (AP)
Deputy Yossi Cohen attends the weekly cabinet meeting at his office in Jerusalem on Jan. 10, 2016. (AP)

The Senior Appointments Advisory Committee has approved Israeli President Benjamin Netanyahu’s decision to appoint the deputy director of Mossad as the next director of the Israeli intelligence agency. The man known as “D” will replace current director Yosef “Yossi” Meir Cohen, whose term is scheduled to end in January.

Committee Chair Supreme Court Justice Eliezer Goldberg said that the members’ decision had been unanimous and found no issues with the appointment despite some criticism from political circles. Netanyahu will bring the committee’s decision to his government for final approval soon and subsequently reveal his name.

The man known as “D” is the deputy director of Mossad, is 55 years of age, and is a father to four children. He is close to Cohen, and it is believed that he will continue his course. He did his military service in Sayeret Matkal, the General Staff’s elite special operations force. Twenty-five years ago, he was transferred to the Mossad to develop his skills, and “D” has been working closely since then with the current deputy, who recommended him as his successor to Netanyahu.

According to Israeli sources, he was recruited by the Mossad at 30 years of age and immediately started training with the Tzomet division, which is responsible for identifying, recruiting, and operating agents around the world. There he met Cohen, who headed the division at the time. Together, the pair cooperated on several sensitive and complicated missions, among the most notable of which was stealing the Iranian nuclear archive from Tehran, transporting it on a truck and bringing it to Tel Aviv before the Iranian authorities noticed it.

Netanyahu didn’t consult security agency officials or Defense Minister Benny Gantz on the decision. However, the latter is unlucky to hinder the appointment.

Writing for Haaretz journalist and research Yossi Molem says new the deputy will face many challenges, most prominent of which will be continuing the successful war against Iran and its vassals in the regions “against the backdrop of Joe Biden’s election as the next US president, and the desire of the president-elect to come to understandings and even a new agreement with Iran that would include removing America’s economic sanctions against it.” However, he believes the Mossad will still have the freedom to conduct its activities, as had been the case under Joe Biden. Another challenge will be maintaining the expansion of the Mossad’s Middle Eastern relationships, which has been pivotal to its recent peace agreements.

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A Call for Peace in Türkiye: What’s in It for Key Actors?

A Syrian Kurdish woman waves a flag bearing a picture of the founder of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) Abdullah Ocalan, as people gather in the Kurdish-majority city of Qamishli in northeastern Syria to listen to a message from the jailed leader on February 27, 2025. (AFP)
A Syrian Kurdish woman waves a flag bearing a picture of the founder of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) Abdullah Ocalan, as people gather in the Kurdish-majority city of Qamishli in northeastern Syria to listen to a message from the jailed leader on February 27, 2025. (AFP)
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A Call for Peace in Türkiye: What’s in It for Key Actors?

A Syrian Kurdish woman waves a flag bearing a picture of the founder of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) Abdullah Ocalan, as people gather in the Kurdish-majority city of Qamishli in northeastern Syria to listen to a message from the jailed leader on February 27, 2025. (AFP)
A Syrian Kurdish woman waves a flag bearing a picture of the founder of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) Abdullah Ocalan, as people gather in the Kurdish-majority city of Qamishli in northeastern Syria to listen to a message from the jailed leader on February 27, 2025. (AFP)

Türkiye’s 40-year battle against the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) could be nearing an end after its jailed leader, Abdullah Ocalan, called on the militant group on Thursday to lay down its arms and disband. Ocalan's statement, announced by the opposition pro-Kurdish DEM party that held three recent meetings with the PKK leader at his island prison, comes four months after the idea was first raised by a political ally of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

There was no immediate response to Ocalan's appeal from the PKK commanders' headquarters in the mountains of northern Iraq.

WHAT'S IN IT FOR ERDOGAN?

Ending the insurgency would be a major achievement for Türkiye’s president after past efforts failed to resolve a conflict in which more than 40,000 people have died since 1984. Erdogan has called it "one of the last obstacles blocking the goal of a great and powerful Türkiye".

Though it remains unclear whether a ceasefire or peace deal could ultimately emerge, Ocalan's call may also boost Erdogan's own political prospects. In order to extend his rule beyond 2028, when his last term as president ends, he would need the support of an opposition party, perhaps DEM, in order to amend the constitution or bring about early elections.

He could also capitalize on military gains against the PKK in mountainous northern Iraq, where it is based, and in Syria, where the ouster of Bashar al-Assad in December has led to the establishment of a strongly pro-Türkiye leadership in Damascus. Ocalan's call could prompt the Kurdish Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) in northeastern Syria to expel members of the PKK-aligned People's Protection Units (YPG), as Ankara has demanded.

ANY RISKS?

There are risks for Erdogan in resurrecting Ocalan, a figure reviled by most Turks, including supporters of his ruling AK Party (AKP).

Mehmet Guner, head of the Martyrs' Families Association for Turkish troops, told Reuters he was "extremely unhappy and very angry" that the government backed Ocalan's public call. "For 40 years, this country has fought against terrorism, sacrificing thousands of martyrs and veterans... We absolutely do not find it appropriate to negotiate with the leader of the terrorists in this manner," he said.

On the Kurdish side, if PKK fighters refuse to heed Ocalan's call and violence continues or even worsens, the distrust that many Turkish Kurds already have for Erdogan could deepen.

WHAT'S IN IT FOR THE KURDS?

The pro-Kurdish political movement, the target of a years-long judicial crackdown, will hope Ocalan's call eventually translates into democratic reforms and greater cultural and language rights for Kurds. A peace deal could also ease social tensions generally across Türkiye, and boost the under-developed economy of its mainly Kurdish southeast. Shortly after one of DEM's meetings with Ocalan in December, Ankara announced a $14 billion regional development plan for the southeast.

"Many Kurds simply do not trust the Turkish state. Any meaningful disarmament process would require concrete steps from Ankara - such as guarantees of political and cultural rights for Kurds - before, not after, a peace deal is made," said Gareth Jenkins, an Istanbul-based political analyst.

If DEM continues to cooperate with Erdogan's AKP - reversing years of fierce opposition - it could also seek to have reinstated the many elected mayors that Turkish authorities have removed from positions and replaced with pro-government officials.

WHAT ARE THE IMPLICATIONS FOR SYRIA?

The Syrian Kurdish SDF, a key US ally, is still battling Turkish and Turkish-backed Syrian forces in the border regions. If SDF commander Mazloum Abdi can filter YPG members from his group, the Kurdish forces could more easily join Syria's newly-forming security structure, centralizing and stabilizing the country as it emerges from 13 years of civil war.

"The YPG will likely heed Ocalan if he asks them to play nice with Türkiye, even if some leaders in Qandil (the PKK headquarters in Iraq) advise the group to do otherwise," said Soner Cagaptay, director of the Turkish Research Program at The Washington Institute.

IMPLICATIONS FOR US-TURKISH TIES?

While the United States deems the PKK terrorists, it has been allied with the YPG's umbrella group in the fight against ISIS in Syria. Türkiye has sharply criticized this US stance as a betrayal of a NATO ally.

Steps toward ending the PKK insurgency could "remove the PKK thorn from US-Turkish relations and pave the way for their anticipated reset under the second Trump administration," Cagaptay said.

"Removing the PKK from Syria's political landscape would pave the way for Türkiye to cooperate with Washington and the Syrian Kurds on many issues beneficial to US interests, such as containing the ISIS, rebuilding the country, and establishing stable Turkish ties with different Syrian groups," he said.