The ‘Impossible’ Relationship and History of Disputes between Lebanon’s Aoun, Jumblatt

President Aoun meets with PSP leader Jumblatt at the presidential palace in May 2020. (NNA)
President Aoun meets with PSP leader Jumblatt at the presidential palace in May 2020. (NNA)
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The ‘Impossible’ Relationship and History of Disputes between Lebanon’s Aoun, Jumblatt

President Aoun meets with PSP leader Jumblatt at the presidential palace in May 2020. (NNA)
President Aoun meets with PSP leader Jumblatt at the presidential palace in May 2020. (NNA)

The relationship between two of Lebanon’s most influential leaders, head of the Progressive Socialist Party Walid Jumblatt and President Michel Aoun, has always been fraught with tensions and a lack of “chemistry”.

The tensions go back to when Aoun served as army commander during the 1975-90 civil war and peaked ahead of his return to Lebanon from exile in 2005. They have continued to be strained with meetings between Aoun and Jumblatt far and few between ever since 2005.

Ties between Aoun and other Lebanese parties are not any better, but the way in which the Druze leader has chosen to wage his confrontation with the founder of the Free Patriotic Movement has set him apart from the rest. Jumblatt even went so far as to demand that Aoun be ousted as president, before retracting his statement, not for political reasons, but for practical ones, such as the sectarian Lebanese system and the cover provided by Hezbollah to the president – the Iran-backed party’s key Christian ally.

Just two days ago when commenting on Aoun and the FPM – which is now headed by the president’s son-in-law Jebran Bassil - Jumblatt openly declared “I don’t like them and they don’t like me.”

The statement sparked renewed accusations between MPs from Jumblatt and Aoun’s camp.

Impending ‘tsunami’
Going back in history, Jumblatt openly opposed Aoun’s heading of the army and a military cabinet in 1988, even deeming it a declaration of war. Aoun would soon after be exiled to France, during which he and Jumblatt witnessed a brief period of rapprochement.

That was later blown up when Jumblatt warned of an impending “tsunami” when Aoun announced that he would return to Lebanon in 2005. That would mark the beginning of a new phase of ebbs and flows in their relations.

The ties were often strained, with a few attempts at reconciliation and some brief meetings between the two leaders.

The cool relations were reflected in the very few meetings the Druze leader and Aoun have held over the years. They have been limited to official occasions and attempts at maintaining calm between Druze and Christian areas. In fact they can be listed in a short paragraph: Aoun met Jumblatt in al-Chouf in 2010 and took part in a mass service in Deir al-Qamar in 2017 to mark the 16th anniversary of the Mount Lebanon reconciliation. Jumblatt then paid a visit to Aoun at his Beiteddine summer residence and the president then repaid the visit by meeting him at his Mokhtara residence.

This last meeting was only held in wake of the 2019 Qabr Shmoun incident that witnessed clashes between Druze and Christians and threatened to ignite civil strife in the country.

Jumblatt last met Aoun at the presidential palace in May in an attempt to address “differences”, said the PSP leader at the time.

Every time they met, the two officials would talk about reconciliation and calm. But whenever Lebanon approaches a significant political development tensions would boil over again and the digging up of war acts would come up, casting doubt on the possibility that the two leaders would ever truly reconcile.

‘Policy of spite’
Each side of the divide has their own view of the dispute and each accuses the other of corruption.

The PSP believes that Aoun’s term and policies have led Lebanon to its current state of collapse, while the FPM says that Jumblatt is being so critical because he no longer enjoys the role of kingmaker at parliament.

PSP MP Hadi Abou al-Hassan told Asharq Al-Awsat that Aoun and the FPM object to criticism against their performance during the president’s term.

Calamities befell Lebanon ever since Aoun headed the military government and launched his “elimination war” and “war of liberation” in 1988-90, he charged. Both wars cost hundreds of lives and allowed Syria to tighten its grip over Lebanon.

He then returned from exile after striking a deal under the table with the Syrian regime and allied himself with Hezbollah in order to become president, reneging on all of his previous statements and stances.

“We have seen nothing but setbacks, missteps, crises and losses on all levels from him,” said Abou al-Hassan.

“Despite all of this, they (the FPM) claim to pursue reform and accuse everyone of corruption, while they are the most corrupt figures. The problem lies in the policy of spite that they adopt. They say one thing and do the other. This is what caused all attempts at reconciliation and rapprochement between the FPM and PSP to fail,” he stressed, criticizing the movement for questioning the sincerity of the Mount Lebanon reconciliation.

On the other side of the divide, FPM MP George Atallah said the PSP is attacking Aoun and the movement because of the political crisis Jumblatt is enduring.

He rejected all accusations of corruption directed at the president.

“At every turn they verbally attack and defame us because of the current political situation the PSP is going through after Jumblatt lost the influential position he had occupied for years,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“The parliamentary elections returned him to his natural size and he fears being prosecuted for his actions throughout those years,” he added, accusing Jumblatt of corruption.

Abou al-Hassan acknowledged that other forces besides the FPM have led Lebanon to the dire situation it is in right now, “but the movement, its allies and the president are in control and they have seized main ministries.” This includes the energy ministry that they have controlled for ten years and accounts for half of the country’s debts.

As for how long the confrontation between the PSP and FPM will end, Abou al-Hassan said: “We are not keen on pursuing futile disputes, but we cannot remain silent over what is taking place.”

“Reason demands that the president alter his course of action, otherwise be confronted with the need to change this team, starting with him,” he explained. “We realize how difficult this is due to sectarian reasons and the cover Hezbollah provides him.”

Atallah rejects such demands, saying those dreaming of the toppling of the president are “deluded”.

“Our policy will not change because it is based on the firm vision of breaking the entrenched system that the PSP is a part of,” he stated.



What to Know About Trump-Xi Summit with Trade, Taiwan and Iran on the Agenda

President Donald Trump, left, and Chinese President Xi Jinping, shake hands after their US-China summit talk at Gimhae International Airport Jinping in Busan, South Korea, Oct. 30, 2025. (AP)
President Donald Trump, left, and Chinese President Xi Jinping, shake hands after their US-China summit talk at Gimhae International Airport Jinping in Busan, South Korea, Oct. 30, 2025. (AP)
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What to Know About Trump-Xi Summit with Trade, Taiwan and Iran on the Agenda

President Donald Trump, left, and Chinese President Xi Jinping, shake hands after their US-China summit talk at Gimhae International Airport Jinping in Busan, South Korea, Oct. 30, 2025. (AP)
President Donald Trump, left, and Chinese President Xi Jinping, shake hands after their US-China summit talk at Gimhae International Airport Jinping in Busan, South Korea, Oct. 30, 2025. (AP)

As Presidents Xi Jinping and Donald Trump prepare for a highly anticipated summit, both China and the United States say their ties have been broadly stable in recent months and they are planning on keeping it that way.

But a long list of issues are at stake in one of the world’s most consequential relationship, with no easy end in sight.

Few expect major breakthroughs to the long-running frictions between China and the US, which range from competition in technology to the thorny question of Taiwan, whose main ally is the US. Ending the war with Iran is likely to be added to the agenda, with Beijing being one of the unofficial mediators in the conflict.

“On both sides there is a consensus that US-China stability is important,” said Henrietta Levin, senior fellow for the Freeman Chair in China Studies at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington. “Once you get past the question of stability, the ‘what’s next’ in the relationship gets a little more complicated, and so for that reason, the most likely thing to come out of the meeting is very little.”

Here's what to know about the summit:

There may be a trade deal, but not a resolution

The China-US trade war started with Trump’s first term, but turned up a notch in April last year, on Trump’s so-called “Liberation Day,” when he announced 34% tariffs on all Chinese goods. China retaliated with counter tariffs and other measures, such as restrictions on rare earth exports. Tariffs reached as high as 145% in the escalating back and forth.

The two sides, realizing the sky-high tariffs weren’t sustainable, then called for a trade truce, halting many of the punitive economic measures. The two leaders met in South Korea in October and extended the truce for another year. China promised to purchase soybeans from American farmers, while the US dropped tariffs by more than half.

“China’s strategy was to promote stability by fighting back,” said Fudan University professor Zhao Minghao, an expert in international relations. “Both sides could very well issue a comprehensive trade agreement this time. But this doesn’t mean the war is over, and the agreement will have conditions.”

Last year’s trade truce did not resolve any of the bigger picture issues, and it did not mean a return to how things were. China now has a new export permit requirement for rare earth exports that it can tighten at any time.

Further, this time around, “there’s been a lack of the intensive type of engagement that has characterized past summits,” said Wendy Cutler, vice president of the Asia Society, and a former trade negotiator for the US.

China in April issued new regulations that built out a framework for identifying and countering foreign measures targeted at Chinese companies. Under the new rules, for example, China’s Ministry of Commerce told impacted companies, such as one petroleum refinery that bought Iranian crude oil, to ignore US sanctions.

Although some say the sides could announce a continuation of the trade truce, they note they have continued to take targeted actions. “It’s a fragile truce,” said Cutler.

The White House said Sunday they are also planning to discuss creating a new “Board of Trade” to keep their countries talking on economic issues.

China's ability to buy high-tech chips is still a thorny issue

The US imposed restrictions on exports to China of advanced computer chips and related tech, such as the machines to make the chips, as early as Trump’s first term in office.

Nvidia, a California company and the leading designer of advanced chips, has pressed Trump to allow it to export them to China. Nvidia founder Jensen Huang has argued that selling the chips will build reliance on American tech for Chinese AI firms.

But the increasing list of restrictions on chip exports may only push China deeper in its drive for self-reliance. “China’s attitude has changed subtly, it seems more focused on advancing its domestic chip industry rather than continuing to rely on advanced chips from the United States,” Zhao said in written comments.

China sees Taiwan as the ‘biggest risk’ in ties with the US

Two weeks before the meeting, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said in a call with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio that the bilateral relationship has remained generally stable, but Taiwan remains the “biggest risk” to their ties. China signaled again on Thursday that Taiwan would be a top priority for discussion.

Few expect a resolution to the Taiwan issue, lingering since China and Taiwan split in a civil war in 1949. While Beijing claims Taiwan, the island is a self-ruled democracy.

Tensions have only risen since Taiwan first elected Tsai Ing-wen as president in 2016. Her Democratic Progressive Party says Taiwan is functionally independent and its own sovereign state. Beijing has broken off communication with Taiwan’s government, and in recent years, started sending warplanes and warships closer to the island in almost daily drills.

The island’s current President Lai Ching-te is also from the DPP. Beijing has criticized Lai repeatedly, even depicting him as a “parasite” in propaganda imagery for its military exercises.

The US is required by law to ensure Taiwan can defend itself but officially maintains a position of what has been called strategic ambiguity, leaving it a question of whether the US would get involved militarily if China decided to reclaim Taiwan by force. Trump has also said recently that he discussed arms sales to Taiwan with Xi, which led to further questions of whether the US would support Taiwan.

“One possibility is that China and the US can take the strategy of a sort of ‘reciprocal restraint’, such as reducing the number of American arms sales to Taiwan, in exchange for fewer military exercises from the mainland aimed at Taiwan,” said Zhao.

The US wants China to put pressure on Iran

As the world awaits an end to the war in Iran that has shaken the global economy, the conflict is likely to surface in the talks.

China has openly criticized the United States and Israel over the war. In addition, given its close political and economic ties with Iran, it is seen by some as an unofficial mediator that could influence Tehran. So far, Beijing has remained cautious, preferring to not get deeply involved.

“I don’t think China has any interest in solving the problems the US has created for itself in the Middle East,” Levin, of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, said.

A few days before the trip, US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent called on China to pressure Iran to open the Strait of Hormuz, and said that by buying Iranian oil, Beijing is funding terrorism.

“Let’s see if China — let’s see them step up with some diplomacy and get the Iranians to open the strait,” Bessent said on Fox News. “Iran is the largest state sponsor of terrorism, and China has been buying 90% of their energy, so they are funding the largest state sponsor of terrorism.”


Why Hantavirus Is Not the New Covid, According to Experts

 The hantavirus-stricken cruise ship MV Hondius is seen at anchor at the port of Granadilla in Tenerife, Canary Islands, Spain, Monday, May 11, 2026. (AP)
The hantavirus-stricken cruise ship MV Hondius is seen at anchor at the port of Granadilla in Tenerife, Canary Islands, Spain, Monday, May 11, 2026. (AP)
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Why Hantavirus Is Not the New Covid, According to Experts

 The hantavirus-stricken cruise ship MV Hondius is seen at anchor at the port of Granadilla in Tenerife, Canary Islands, Spain, Monday, May 11, 2026. (AP)
The hantavirus-stricken cruise ship MV Hondius is seen at anchor at the port of Granadilla in Tenerife, Canary Islands, Spain, Monday, May 11, 2026. (AP)

A deadly hantavirus outbreak on a cruise ship has revived bitter memories of when Covid-19 first emerged, but health experts have emphasized the two viruses are very different -- and have sought to assuage fears of another pandemic.

Here is what you need to know.

- New or old? -

After the first cases of Covid in late 2019, it was referred to as the "novel coronavirus" because it was a brand new pathogen.

The virus rapidly engulfed the world, sending countries into punishing lockdowns and crippling the global economy.

The exact number of people killed by Covid is difficult to determine, but the World Health Organization estimates it was at least 20 million.

Unlike Covid, hantavirus is not a new pathogen.

It was first described among soldiers fighting in the Korean War in the early 1950s.

Cases of hantavirus are regularly recorded across the world, particularly in Asia and Europe. It has long been monitored in areas where the virus is endemic.

- Transmission and symptoms -

Humans almost always catch hantavirus by being exposed to the saliva, urine or droppings of wild rodents. The most common way is to inhale dust from droppings.

The Andes hantavirus strain, which caused the recent outbreak on the MV Hondius cruise ship, is the only one out of more than 30 species known to be able to transmit between humans.

But even this is rare, with only a handful of previously documented cases.

After being infected with Andes, it takes between one and six weeks for symptoms to appear. This is vastly shorter than for Covid, which has an incubation period of seven to 10 days.

Human-to-human transmission of Andes "requires very specific conditions of close proximity, overcrowding, or an underlying health condition -- far beyond what is known for other respiratory viruses," including Covid, Virginie Sauvage, the head of France's National Reference Center for Hantaviruses, told AFP.

The last major outbreak in 2018 killed at least 11 people in Argentina, where the Andes species is endemic. Two of the three people who died in the latest outbreak travelled to Argentina before boarding the cruise ship.

Research into the 2018 outbreak found that the majority of transmission occurred on the first day the infected person showed symptoms.

Hantaviruses in the Americas such as Andes can cause severe respiratory and cardiac distress, as well as hemorrhagic fever.

In comparison, Covid is solely a respiratory illness, and can cause fever, shortness of breath, body aches, fatigue and loss of smell.

- Too lethal for a pandemic? -

The Andes hantavirus may be too rapidly fatal to spark a pandemic, explained biologist Raul Gonzalez Ittig of Argentina's scientific research agency Conicet.

"For a pandemic to occur, the virus cannot be so lethal that it kills 50 percent of the population, because it quickly kills everyone and runs out of opportunities to spread," Ittig told AFP.

The Andes hantavirus is thought to have a mortality rate of around 40 percent.

"So deaths start appearing quickly, isolation measures are put in place quickly, and the chain of transmission is rapidly stopped," Ittig said.

Covid, on the other hand, "infects thousands of people and only later do deaths start to accumulate," he said.

"Everything happens much faster: One person transmits it, 10 people become infected, and they die if they do not receive proper treatment," he said.

"That is why there is not as much chance of a hantavirus pandemic."

- Treatment and vaccines? -

There are currently no treatments or vaccines specifically targeting hantavirus, so doctors treat the symptoms it causes, such as breathing problems.

"The faster people receive treatment, the better their prognosis," Sauvage said.

Patients with severe lung damage may need a machine to help them breathe. Kidney failure may lead them to require dialysis.

There have been trials for vaccines targeting some hantavirus strains, "but their effectiveness has not yet been proven against all hantaviruses," French infectious disease specialist Vincent Ronin told AFP.

During the pandemic, new Covid treatments and vaccines were developed in record time.

With billions of vaccines administered worldwide, the effectiveness of these jabs has been thoroughly demonstrated -- though vaccination rates have fallen steeply in recent years.


Gaza Wedding Cheers Drown Out Sound of Israeli Airstrikes

Palestinians gather at a wedding in the Al-Nasser neighborhood, west of Gaza City, in April. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Palestinians gather at a wedding in the Al-Nasser neighborhood, west of Gaza City, in April. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Gaza Wedding Cheers Drown Out Sound of Israeli Airstrikes

Palestinians gather at a wedding in the Al-Nasser neighborhood, west of Gaza City, in April. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Palestinians gather at a wedding in the Al-Nasser neighborhood, west of Gaza City, in April. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Since the announcement of a ceasefire agreement in Gaza last October, Israeli violations have continued and the toll of dead and wounded has climbed. Yet, that has not stopped residents of the Palestinian enclave — almost entirely devastated by war — from breaking into celebratory wedding cheers that, if only briefly, cut through the buzz of drones and the thunder of airstrikes.

In recent weeks, residents in Khan Younis, Al-Shati refugee camp, Shujaiya and other areas have held public wedding celebrations attended by relatives and neighbors, reviving scenes absent from Gaza throughout more than two years of war.

Alaa Moussa, 33, from the Sheikh Nasser area of Khan Younis in southern Gaza, lost her husband in an Israeli strike in mid-2024. She said she married in late April a man four years older than her who had also lost his wife and two children in a strike that hit displaced persons’ tents in the Al-Mawasi area of the same city.

“I accepted only a symbolic dowry of no more than 1,500 Jordanian dinars ($2,100), because it has become insignificant under these difficult circumstances,” Moussa told Asharq Al-Awsat.

She held what she described as a “modest wedding” among the tents of displaced families in Al-Mawasi, where one of the tents has become the couple’s new home.

“The war has not stopped, yet like many others we are searching for moments of joy despite all the pain we have endured and continue to endure in Gaza amid unrelenting attacks,” she remarked.

Moussa, who had no children with her late husband, said she saw no issue in marrying a man with three children “despite some criticism” from relatives and those around her.

“I will raise them as though they were my own,” she added.

Palestinians gather at a wedding in the Al-Nasser neighborhood, west of Gaza City, in April. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

‘Social criticism’

Israel has imposed restrictions and a tight blockade on Gaza since the early 1990s, tightening them further after Hamas seized control of the enclave nearly 19 years ago. Unemployment rose from 29.7 percent in 2007 to 45 percent in 2023, the year the war erupted at its close.

Abdullah Farhat, 29, from Al-Shati refugee camp west of Gaza City, was among those whose hopes of marriage and starting a family were delayed for years by Gaza’s harsh economic conditions.

Farhat told Asharq Al-Awsat he recently married a woman two years older than him who had lost her husband at the start of the current war.

He said he paid little attention to what he described as “social criticism” over “marrying a widow or the age difference.”

“My convictions did not change, especially after we found mutual acceptance,” he stated.

Return of wedding halls

Months after the ceasefire, wedding gatherings gradually returned in some areas. Youth parties have also resurfaced, and some wedding halls have reopened to customers.

Ayman Muhaysin, 26, from the Shujaiya neighborhood east of Gaza City, who is displaced in a school turned shelter in the Rimal district, held his wedding last month in a wedding hall in his neighborhood.

He said he paid 4,000 shekels (about $1,300) for the venue and a similar amount for a separate gathering for male relatives and friends, in keeping with Gaza traditions in which the groom’s celebration is held one day with male relatives and friends, followed the next day by a reception attended by women inside the hall, while close male relatives from both families gather outside.

Ayman Muhaysin celebrates his wedding in the Rimal neighborhood of Gaza City in April. (Photo provided by Muhaysin)

Muhaysin works in a shop earning 1,500 shekels a month. After the wedding, he moved into a classroom where he had been living with his four brothers, who relocated to a neighboring classroom to stay with their parents and three sisters.

Muhaysin said he had to borrow heavily to finance the wedding but did not regret it.

“I lost my brother during the war, along with many relatives, but this is life. We are searching for whatever brings joy to our hearts despite the hardships we face,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Exorbitant prices

Dozens of wedding halls built along Gaza’s Mediterranean coast were destroyed by Israeli forces during the war. Some restaurants and investors have since opened new venues west of Gaza City, though many residents consider their prices exorbitant.

Mohammed Ghanem, an owner of a wedding hall in Gaza City, explained that prices are high because of the cost of constructing these halls.

“The lack of electricity, operating private generators and securing fuel for them all add to expenses, in addition to the salaries of male and female employees providing wedding services,” he underlined.

Ghanem said prices were “close to what wedding halls charged before the war,” but noted that the new venues “do not have the same level of amenities and equipment that halls once had.”

Recently, Arab and Islamic charitable organizations have begun sponsoring mass wedding ceremonies in Gaza and providing financial support to newlyweds as part of efforts “to ease the burden on young people, tens of thousands of whom rushed to register for such an opportunity.”