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Syrian Actor Bassem Yakhour’s Tour of Damascus Shows Extent of Currency Collapse

Actor Bassem Yakhour tours the streets of Damascus. (YouTube screengrab)
Actor Bassem Yakhour tours the streets of Damascus. (YouTube screengrab)
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Syrian Actor Bassem Yakhour’s Tour of Damascus Shows Extent of Currency Collapse

Actor Bassem Yakhour tours the streets of Damascus. (YouTube screengrab)
Actor Bassem Yakhour tours the streets of Damascus. (YouTube screengrab)

Syrian actor Bassem Yakhour toured last week the streets of Damascus to demonstrate the extent of the collapse of the local currency after 10 years of war.

In a humorous video posted on his YouTube channel, the actor said he would challenge himself and his film crew to buy a grilled meat sandwich with only 1,000 pounds. He then embarked on a tour of local markets to determine what 1,000 pounds would buy him today.

Before the war, 1,000 pounds traded for some 21 dollars, but now it’s worth no more than a third of a dollar.

Yakhour said that before the war, 1,000 pounds would have bought a kilo of meat, with vegetables and fruits. It would have been enough for a family to spend comfortably and prepare two to three days-worth of food. What about today?

As he toured the markets, viewers could not help but notice that the actor was sporting an expensive watch, worth thousands of dollars. “Why bother wondering what 1,000 pounds can buy when you are wearing such an expensive watch?” asked one.

At the Salhiyah market, Yakhour remarked that 1,000 pounds wasn’t enough to buy decent men’s cotton underwear. The cheapest he could find cost 3,500 pounds. Before the war, a cotton blend underwear would have cost around 100-300 pounds, while 400-600 pounds, or 8-12 dollars, would have bought the customer the best quality available. An excellent quality bra would have cost 150 pounds before the war, while now the price has skyrocketed to 8,000 pounds.

Clothes vendors said that prices now are much cheaper than before the war, if counted in dollars. Now, as they struggle to cope, the spike in prices has led to a drop in quality to meet the people’s purchasing power. Finding an item of clothing for 1,000 pounds is almost impossible, they said, noting that even before the war cheap polyester socks would have cost that much. Yakhour’s tour showed that 1,000 pounds would now buy a paltry five walnuts or an ear of boiled or grilled corn.

A thousand pounds is not even enough to buy traditional sweets from the Shaalan market. The price of 200 grams of knefe or madlouka starts at 1,100 pounds, Yakhour found out. He did manage to find two sandwiches that cost 800 pounds: The famed wrap from Bisan, although they are hardly filling.

Standing before a display of smuggled biscuits, Bakhour did not even bother to ask about their prices (3,000 pounds a packet). A local selection of biscuits can be bought for 1,000 pounds.

Yakhour dared to head to a famous shop known for selling western sweets. Confiding with viewers that he was expecting to be kicked out for asking if it sells cakes for a 1,000 pounds, he was surprised to learn that he could buy small pastries for 1,000 apiece. A slice of cake starts at 1,200 pounds.

For vegetables and fruits, the actor headed to the old al-Hal market, which sells produce at prices 30 percent cheaper than other parts of the capital. There, he bought the ingredients for his grilled sandwich: potatoes and onions at a cost of 850 pounds. He then headed to a gas station to buy some diesel – enough to fill a small teacup. The owners gladly sold it to him for free.

Yakhour then gathered some wood from a field on the outskirts of Damascus, lit a fire and grilled his potatoes and onions, before wrapping them up in a sandwich, winning the challenge. The crew dismissed his claim, with Yakhour jokingly replying: “Did you expect me to invite you to meaty meal worth 1,000 pounds?”

The war has deprived the Syrian people of countless things, including a kilo of goat meat, which now sells at 30,000 pounds or half the monthly salary of a state employee.

The pound sank to a new record low on Sunday with a scramble for dollars in a country hit by sanctions and facing a severe foreign currency crunch, dealers and bankers said.

Traders said it cost as much as 3,450 Syrian pounds to buy 1 dollar on the street on Sunday, more than 18% lower than the end of last month.

Its last freefall was last summer when it hit the psychological barrier of 3,000 to the dollar over fears tougher US sanctions would worsen the country’s dire economic plight.

One leading Damascus-based licensed exchange dealer said the dollar had been rising with demand that far exceeded supply after months of relative stability in the 2,500 range.

Also squeezing the inflow of dollars has been a financial crisis in neighboring Lebanon where billions of dollars held by Syrian businessmen were frozen by its hard-hit banks, businessmen and bankers say.

Lebanon’s financial sector has for decades been a safe haven for leading Syrian businessmen and also firms associated with the government who used some of its banks to circumvent sanctions to import raw materials.

The country has been forced to reduce subsidies on fuel and conserve foreign currency for essential imports, businessmen say.

The collapse of the currency has driven up inflation as Syrians struggle to afford food, power and other basics.

Bankers say although the central bank vowed last week to intervene to prop up the collapsing currency, it is reluctant to support the currency in order to protect its scarce remaining foreign reserves. They were estimated at $17 billion before the 10-year conflict began.

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10 Years after Europe's Migration Crisis, the Fallout Reverberates in Greece and Beyond

File photo: Migrants of African origin trying to flee to Europe are crammed on board of a small boat, as Tunisian coast guards prepare to transfer them onto their vessel, at sea between Tunisia and Italy, on August 10, 2023. (Photo by FETHI BELAID / AFP)
File photo: Migrants of African origin trying to flee to Europe are crammed on board of a small boat, as Tunisian coast guards prepare to transfer them onto their vessel, at sea between Tunisia and Italy, on August 10, 2023. (Photo by FETHI BELAID / AFP)
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10 Years after Europe's Migration Crisis, the Fallout Reverberates in Greece and Beyond

File photo: Migrants of African origin trying to flee to Europe are crammed on board of a small boat, as Tunisian coast guards prepare to transfer them onto their vessel, at sea between Tunisia and Italy, on August 10, 2023. (Photo by FETHI BELAID / AFP)
File photo: Migrants of African origin trying to flee to Europe are crammed on board of a small boat, as Tunisian coast guards prepare to transfer them onto their vessel, at sea between Tunisia and Italy, on August 10, 2023. (Photo by FETHI BELAID / AFP)

Fleeing Iran with her husband and toddler, Amena Namjoyan reached a rocky beach of this eastern Greek island along with hundreds of thousands of others. For months, their arrival overwhelmed Lesbos. Boats fell apart, fishermen dove to save people from drowning, and local grandmothers bottle-fed newly arrived babies.

Namjoyan spent months in an overcrowded camp. She learned Greek. She struggled with illness and depression as her marriage collapsed. She tried to make a fresh start in Germany but eventually returned to Lesbos, the island that first embraced her. Today, she works at a restaurant, preparing Iranian dishes that locals devour, even if they struggle to pronounce the names. Her second child tells her, “‘I’m Greek.’”

“Greece is close to my culture, and I feel good here,” Namjoyan said. “I am proud of myself.”

In 2015, more than 1 million migrants and refugees arrived in Europe — the majority by sea, landing in Lesbos, where the north shore is just 10 kilometers (6 miles) from Türkiye. The influx of men, women and children fleeing war and poverty sparked a humanitarian crisis that shook the European Union to its core. A decade later, the fallout still reverberates on the island and beyond.

For many, Greece was a place of transit. They continued on to northern and western Europe. Many who applied for asylum were granted international protection; thousands became European citizens. Countless more were rejected, languishing for years in migrant camps or living in the streets. Some returned to their home countries. Others were kicked out of the European Union.

For Namjoyan, Lesbos is a welcoming place — many islanders share a refugee ancestry, and it helps that she speaks their language. But migration policy in Greece, like much of Europe, has shifted toward deterrence in the decade since the crisis. Far fewer people are arriving illegally. Officials and politicians have maintained that strong borders are needed. Critics say enforcement has gone too far and violates fundamental EU rights and values.

“Migration is now at the top of the political agenda, which it didn’t use to be before 2015,” said Camille Le Coz Director of the Migration Policy Institute Europe, noting changing EU alliances. “We are seeing a shift toward the right of the political spectrum.”

A humanitarian crisis turned into a political one

In 2015, boat after boat crowded with refugees crashed onto the doorstep of Elpiniki Laoumi, who runs a fish tavern across from a Lesbos beach. She fed them, gave them water, made meals for aid organizations.

“You would look at them and think of them as your own children," said Laoumi, whose tavern walls today are decorated with thank-you notes.

From 2015 to 2016, the peak of the migration crisis, more than 1 million people entered Europe through Greece alone. The immediate humanitarian crisis — to feed, shelter and care for so many people at once — grew into a long-term political one.

Greece was reeling from a crippling economic crisis. The influx added to anger against established political parties, fueling the rise of once-fringe populist forces.

EU nations fought over sharing responsibility for asylum seekers. The bloc’s unity cracked as some member states flatly refused to take migrants. Anti-migration voices calling for closed borders became louder.

Today, illegal migration is down across Europe While illegal migration to Greece has fluctuated, numbers are nowhere near 2015-16 figures, according to the International Organization for Migration. Smugglers adapted to heightened surveillance, shifting to more dangerous routes.

Overall, irregular EU border crossings decreased by nearly 40% last year and continue to fall, according to EU border and coast guard agency Frontex.

That hasn’t stopped politicians from focusing on — and sometimes fearmongering over — migration. This month, the Dutch government collapsed after a populist far-right lawmaker withdrew his party’s ministers over migration policy.

In Greece, the new far-right migration minister has threatened rejected asylum seekers with jail time.

A few miles from where Namjoyan now lives, in a forest of pine and olive trees, is a new EU-funded migrant center. It's one of the largest in Greece and can house up to 5,000 people.

Greek officials denied an Associated Press request to visit. Its opening is blocked, for now, by court challenges.

Some locals say the remote location seems deliberate — to keep migrants out of sight and out of mind.

“We don’t believe such massive facilities are needed here. And the location is the worst possible – deep inside a forest,” said Panagiotis Christofas, mayor of Lesbos’ capital, Mytilene. “We’re against it, and I believe that’s the prevailing sentiment in our community.”

A focus on border security

For most of Europe, migration efforts focus on border security and surveillance.

The European Commission this year greenlighted the creation of “return” hubs — a euphemism for deportation centers — for rejected asylum seekers. Italy has sent unwanted migrants to its centers in Albania, even as that faces legal challenges.

Governments have resumed building walls and boosting surveillance in ways unseen since the Cold War.

In 2015, Frontex was a small administrative office in Warsaw. Now, it's the EU's biggest agency, with 10,000 armed border guards, helicopters, drones and an annual budget of over 1 billion euros.

On other issues of migration — reception, asylum and integration, for example — EU nations are largely divided.

The legacy of Lesbos

Last year, EU nations approved a migration and asylum pact laying out common rules for the bloc's 27 countries on screening, asylum, detention and deportation of people trying to enter without authorization, among other things.

“The Lesbos crisis of 2015 was, in a way, the birth certificate of the European migration and asylum policy,” Margaritis Schinas, a former European Commission vice president and a chief pact architect, told AP.

He said that after years of fruitless negotiations, he's proud of the landmark compromise.

“We didn’t have a system,” Schinas said. “Europe’s gates had been crashed."

The deal, endorsed by the United Nations refugee agency, takes effect next year. Critics say it made concessions to hardliners. Human rights organizations say it will increase detention and erode the right to seek asylum.

Some organizations also criticize the “externalization” of EU border management — agreements with countries across the Mediterranean to aggressively patrol their coasts and hold migrants back in exchange for financial assistance.

The deals have expanded, from Türkiye to the Middle East and across Africa. Human rights groups say autocratic governments are pocketing billions and often subject the displaced to appalling conditions.

Lesbos still sees some migrants arrive Lesbos' 80,000 residents look back at the 2015 crisis with mixed feelings.

Fisherman Stratos Valamios saved some children. Others drowned just beyond his reach, their bodies still warm as he carried them to shore.

“What’s changed from back then to now, 10 years on? Nothing,” he said. “What I feel is anger — that such things can happen, that babies can drown.”

Those who died crossing to Lesbos are buried in two cemeteries, their graves marked as “unknown.”

Tiny shoes and empty juice boxes with faded Turkish labels can still be found on the northern coast. So can black doughnut-shaped inner tubes, given by smugglers as crude life preservers for children. At Moria, a refugee camp destroyed by fire in 2020, children’s drawings remain on gutted building walls.

Migrants still arrive, and sometimes die, on these shores. Lesbos began to adapt to a quieter, more measured flow of newcomers.

Efi Latsoudi, who runs a network helping migrants learn Greek and find jobs, hopes Lesbos’ tradition of helping outsiders in need will outlast national policies.

“The way things are developing, it’s not friendly for newcomers to integrate into Greek society,” Latsoudi said. "We need to do something. ... I believe there is hope.”