Sirte: From Al-Ghardabiya to ISIS, Through the Rise and Fall of Gaddafi

A general view shows a sign reading in Arabic: “Sirte”. (Photo: Mahmud Turkia, AFP)
A general view shows a sign reading in Arabic: “Sirte”. (Photo: Mahmud Turkia, AFP)
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Sirte: From Al-Ghardabiya to ISIS, Through the Rise and Fall of Gaddafi

A general view shows a sign reading in Arabic: “Sirte”. (Photo: Mahmud Turkia, AFP)
A general view shows a sign reading in Arabic: “Sirte”. (Photo: Mahmud Turkia, AFP)

The city of Sirte, located 450 km east of Tripoli, is preparing to host a meeting of Libyan representatives early next week, to give confidence to the government of Abdul Hamid Al-Dabaib.

While the confidence vote does not seem guaranteed in light of the great divisions among MPs, the mere holding of a parliamentary session in this city would be considered a success, given the significance of Sirte for large segments of the Libyan population.

The city was the scene of the defeat of the Italian invaders in 1915, the spoiled town during the long rule of Colonel Muammar Gaddafi, the scene of his fall as well, and the “capital” of the Libyan “ISIS”, in addition to being part of the “red line” drawn by the Egyptians during the Libyan fighting last year.

Sirte 1

The scheduled meeting of the Libyan representatives in Sirte, on Monday, comes as the city prepares to commemorate the Battle of Al-Ghardabiya in 1915.

Located near Sirte, Al-Ghardabiya was the arena of a decisive battle between the Libyan mujahideen and the Italian invaders in April 1915.

The Italians prepared to march towards the Fezzan region in southern Libya, seeking to retake areas from which they were expelled, such as Sebha and Murzuq. They were backed by soldiers from Abyssinia and Eritrea and by local fighters from Misrata, Tarhouna, and other Libyan regions.

On April 29, 1915, the battle of Al-Ghardabiya took place between the Libyans and the Italian forces, and ended in a resounding defeat for the latter side.

The Italians were forced to retreat, and their positions, in turn, fell into the hands of the Libyans. But the capital, Tripoli, remained under their control in addition to other sites on the coast.

Despite the defeat, the Italians repeated the attack when Mussolini came to power in Rome. The latter crowned his campaign by executing the leader of the Libyan Mujahideen, Omar al-Mukhtar, in 1931.

Sirte 2

Sirte was a spoiled city for Colonel Muammar Gaddafi during his long years in power that spanned from the Al-Fateh coup in September 1969 to his ousting in October 2011.

Gaddafi transformed Sirte - the stronghold of his Qadhadhfa tribe - from a small marginal town on the Libyan coast to a huge city, home to a number of state administrations and playing the role of the country’s second capital after Tripoli and sometimes before it.

The Libyan Parliament was established in the city after its transfer from Tripoli in the late 1980s. In the famous Ouagadougou Hall, in September 1999, the establishment of the African Union was announced, succeeding the Organization of African Unity.

Sirte has also hosted a number of important meetings and conferences, including the Arab Summit in 2010.

But just as the era of Gaddafi witnessed the rise of Sirte to the ranks of major cities, the Libyan leader’s fall in 2011 signaled its demise and the start of its marginalization, especially since it fought alongside Gaddafi until his last breath.

Sirte 3

ISIS and other militant organizations such as Ansar al-Sharia and al-Qaeda took advantage of the prevailing chaos after the toppling of the Gaddafi regime in 2011, to find a foothold in Libya.

The city of Derna, in the east of the country, was one of the strongholds of these groups, which later saw internal divisions over the Syrian conflict.

On the other hand, ISIS managed to seize a site no less important than Derna. After its expansion in 2014 in a number of Libyan regions, ISIS elements succeeded, in 2015, in entering the city of Sirte, which soon turned into the stronghold of the organization in Libya.

The terrorist organization has established in Sirte Sharia courts that apply its strict interpretation of Islamic teachings. While ISIS carried out executions of many Libyans opposed or convicted by its courts, its hideous massacres against Egyptian and Ethiopian Coptic citizens who were slaughtered in front of the camera lens sparked a wave of outrage not only in Libya, Egypt, and Ethiopia but also around the world.

ISIS’ control over a city the size of Sirte and its strategic location on the Libyan coast – at a short distance from the shores of southern Europe - raised the concern of European countries, who had begun to suffer from attacks organized by the terrorist movement, such as the bombings in Paris and Brussels in 2015 and 2016.

This Western concern led the United States and several European countries to engage in a broad campaign led by the Libyans to expel the organization from the city.

After months of fierce battles, the operation to expel ISIS ended in December 2016. The terrorist organization lost hundreds of fighters, between 800 and 900, according to US Army estimates, and between 2,000 and 2,500 fighters, according to local Libyan figures.

A Red Line Obstructs Sirte 4

In 2020, Sirte almost became a battlefield. In the spring of that year, the forces of the National Accord government, with Turkish military support and thousands of Syrian mercenaries, succeeded in changing the course of the battle in the west of the country, and obliged the forces of the National Army, led by Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar, to retreat from the gates of Tripoli and from the entire West.

Haftar’s forces withdrew eastward in the direction of Sirte on the coast and Jufrah in the center of the country, amid threats from the National Accord forces to pursue them to the east of the country.

Indeed, the forces, specifically those coming from the city of Misrata, advanced to the east and took control of sites on the outskirts of Sirte, but warplanes raided them and stopped their advance.

However, what actually stopped the new battle of Sirte was the “red line” drawn by Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi from Sirte to Al-Jufrah, considering that breaching it would threaten Egyptian national security and would necessitate Egyptian military intervention in Libya.

In the fall of 2020, the warring Libyan parties declared a ceasefire, and after that, Sirte witnessed meetings of the military committees of the Libyan army that supported the National Accord government in the west of the country and the National Army in its east, amid US efforts to make it a demilitarized city, in which a security force is deployed with the consent of the two sides.

This time, Sirte will be an arena for a political battle that may contribute to sparing the country a new military confrontation. Will this be an opportunity for the city to regain its former “significance”, as Gaddafi wanted it to be?



Mistrust and Fear: The Complex Story behind Strained Syria-Lebanon Relations

People carry Syrian flags of the opposition as they celebrate the ouster of the Assad regime in Damascus, in Tripoli, northern Lebanon, 08 December 2024. (EPA)
People carry Syrian flags of the opposition as they celebrate the ouster of the Assad regime in Damascus, in Tripoli, northern Lebanon, 08 December 2024. (EPA)
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Mistrust and Fear: The Complex Story behind Strained Syria-Lebanon Relations

People carry Syrian flags of the opposition as they celebrate the ouster of the Assad regime in Damascus, in Tripoli, northern Lebanon, 08 December 2024. (EPA)
People carry Syrian flags of the opposition as they celebrate the ouster of the Assad regime in Damascus, in Tripoli, northern Lebanon, 08 December 2024. (EPA)

A lot has happened in just a year on both sides of the Lebanon-Syria border. A lightning offensive by opposition factions in Syria toppled longtime autocrat Bashar Assad and brought a new government in place in Damascus.

In Lebanon, a bruising war with Israel dealt a serious blow to Hezbollah — the Iran-backed and Assad-allied Shiite Lebanese militant group that had until recently been a powerful force in the Middle East — and a US-negotiated deal has brought a fragile ceasefire.

Still, even after the fall of the 54-year Assad family rule, relations between Beirut and Damascus remain tense — as they have been for decades past, with Syria long failing to treat its smaller neighbor as a sovereign nation.

Recent skirmishes along the border have killed and wounded several people, both fighters and civilians, including a four-year-old Lebanese girl, The Associated Press said.

Beirut and Damascus have somewhat coordinated on border security, but attempts to reset political relations have been slow. Despite visits to Syria by two heads of Lebanon's government, no Syrian official has visited Lebanon.

Here is what's behind the complicated relations.

A coldness that goes way back

Many Syrians have resented Hezbollah for wading into Syria's civil war in defense of Assad's government. Assad's fall sent them home, but many Lebanese now fear cross-border attacks by Syria's militants.

There are new restrictions on Lebanese entering Syria, and Lebanon has maintained tough restrictions on Syrians entering Lebanon.

The Lebanese also fear that Damascus could try to bring Lebanon under a new Syrian tutelage.

Syrians have long seen Lebanon as a staging ground for anti-Syria activities, including hosting opposition figures before Hafez Assad — Bashar Assad's father — ascended to power in a bloodless 1970 coup.

In 1976, Assad senior sent his troops to Lebanon, allegedly to bring peace as Lebanon was hurtling into a civil war that lasted until 1990. Once that ended, Syrian forces remained in Lebanon for another 15 years.

A signature of the Assad family rule, Syria's dreaded security agents disappeared and tortured dissidents to keep the country under their control. They did the same in Lebanon.

“Syrians feel that Lebanon is the main gateway for conspiracies against them,” says Lebanese political analyst Ali Hamadeh.

Turbulent times

It took until 2008 for the two countries to agree to open diplomatic missions, marking Syria's first official recognition of Lebanon as an independent state since it gained independence from France in 1943.

The move came after the 2005 truck-bombing assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri that many blamed on Damascus. Two months later, Syria pulled its troops out of Lebanon under international pressure, ending 29 years of near-complete domination of its neighbor.

When Syria’s own civil war erupted in 2011, hundreds of thousands of Syrians fled across the border, making crisis-hit Lebanon the host of the highest per capita population of refugees in the world. Once in Lebanon, the refugees complained about discrimination, including curfews for Syrian citizens in some areas.

Hezbollah, meanwhile, rushed thousands of its fighters into Syria in 2013 to shore up Assad, worried that its supply lines from Iran could dry up.

And as much as the Lebanese are divided over their country’s internal politics, Syria's war divided them further into those supporting Assad's government and those opposing it.

Distrust and deadlock

A key obstacle to warming relations has been the fate of about 2,000 Syrians in Lebanese prisons, including some 800 held over attacks and shootings, many without trial. Damascus is asking Beirut to hand them over to continue their prison terms in Syria, but Lebanese judicial officials say Beirut won't release any attackers and that each must be studied and resolved separately.

In July, family members of the detainees rallied along a border crossing, demanding their relatives be freed. The protest came amid reports that Syrian troops could deploy foreign fighters in Lebanon, which Damascus officials denied.

Another obstacle is Lebanon’s demand that Syrian refugees go back home now that Assad is gone. About 716,000 Syrian refugees are registered with the UN refugee agency, while hundreds of thousands more are unregistered in Lebanon, which has a population of about 5 million.

Syria is also demanding the return of billions of dollars worth of deposits of Syrians trapped in Lebanese banks since Lebanon's historic financial meltdown in 2019.

The worst post-Assad border skirmishes came in mid-March, when Syrian authorities said Hezbollah members crossed the border and kidnapped and killed three Syrian soldiers. The Lebanese government and army said the clash was between smugglers and that Hezbollah wasn't involved.

Days later, Lebanese and Syrian defense ministers flew to Saudi Arabia and signed an agreement on border demarcation and boosting their coordination.

In July, rumors spread in Lebanon, claiming the northern city of Tripoli would be given to Syria in return for Syria giving up the Golan Heights to Israel. And though officials dismissed the rumors, they illustrate the level of distrust between the neighbors.

Beirut was also angered by Syria's appointment this year of a Lebanese army officer — Abdullah Shehadeh, who defected in 2014 from Lebanon to join Syrian insurgents — as the head of security in Syria’s central province of Homs that borders northeastern Lebanon.

In Syria, few were aware of Shehadeh’s real name — he was simply known by his nom de guerre, Abu Youssef the Lebanese. Syrian security officials confirmed the appointment.

What's ahead

Analysts say an important step would be for the two neighbors to work jointly to boost security against cross-border smuggling. A US-backed plan that was recently adopted by the Lebanese government calls for moving toward full demarcation of the border.

Radwan Ziadeh, a senior fellow at the Arab Center in Washington, says the best way forward would be for Syria and Lebanon to address each problem between them individually — not as a package deal.

That way, tensions would be reduced gradually, he said and downplayed recent comments by prominent Syrian anti-Assad figures who claimed Lebanon is part of Syria and should return to it.

“These are individual voices that do not represent the Syrian state,” Zaideh said.