Opposition Conference in Syria Commits to Political Transitionhttps://english.aawsat.com/home/article/2878526/opposition-conference-syria-commits-political-transition
Opposition Conference in Syria Commits to Political Transition
A general view of Damascus in June 2105. (Getty Images)
Opposition forces within Syria, led by the National Coordination Committee, are seeking “diplomatic protection” from Damascus’ allies, especially Moscow and Tehran, to hold their expanded meeting on Saturday.
The conference is aimed at forming the “National Democratic Front” and will express its commitment to the “political transition” and implementation of the Geneva declaration and United Nations Security Council resolutions 2118 and 2254.
The committee is continuing its negotiations with the Syrian Democratic Council (SDC) to complete the agreement on principles between them. The two parties had previously resolved disputes related to the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and Kurdish autonomous administration in the area east of the Euphrates River.
General Coordinator of the Coordination Committee, Hassan Abdulazim told Asharq Al-Awsat that invitations have been sent out to governments that enjoy diplomatic representation in Damascus, including Russia, Iran, China and Egypt, to attend the opening of the conference on Saturday.
Secretary-General of the Arab Democratic Socialist Union Party, Ahmed al-Asrawi said there were no guarantees that the conference will be held and that diplomatic presence at the meeting does not “protect it.” The party is a member of the National Coordination Committee.
A member of the party revealed to Asharq Al-Awsat that a former member of the Coordination Committee, Abdulaziz al-Kheir had “disappeared” shorty after arriving in Damascus from an official visit to China.
Blocs and conferences
The National Coordination Committee was formed in June 2011. It is comprised of 11 parties and opposition forces inside Syria and beyond. It is aimed at introducing national democratic change in Syria and rejecting foreign meddling in the country. It also demands political transition in line with the 2012 Geneva declaration and resolutions 2118 and 2254.
In September 2012, the committee held a “national salvation conference” in Damascus. The event was attended by representatives and ambassadors of Russia, Iran and Egypt. It demanded “radical democratic change” in the country.
At some point, a rift emerged between the Arab Democratic Socialist Union Party and Coordination Committee. The party would then form alliances with the SDF, which is backed by the United States and had spearheaded battles against the ISIS terrorist group.
In late 2015, Riyadh hosted an expanded meeting for the opposition. It led to the formation of the High Negotiations Committee (HNC). It is formed of 36 members: eight members from the coalition, four from the Moscow platform, four from the Cairo platform, five from the Coordination Committee, seven from military factions, eight independent figures and a Kurdish member of the coalition.
Wider alliance
Abdulazim told Asharq Al-Awsat on Monday that Saturday’s conference will witness the participation of 11 members of the HNC and ten other bodies with the aim of achieving a “wider alliance of national forces that are committed to the political solution”. The solution would be based on the Geneva declaration and resolutions 2118 and 2254.
Asrawi said the idea of the conference was proposed some two years ago. It is “not a substitute” to the opposition or coalition, he told Asharq Al-Awsat. The coalition has come under criticism for growing “too close” to Turkey.
Abdulazim said the coalition, which is present outside Syria, has a reach within the country, while “we are on the inside and have a reach outside the country. We therefore, complement each other.”
Presidential elections
Abdulazim and Asrawi said the conference is not related to the upcoming presidential elections, which are set for the summer.
The elections have been a point of contention between Moscow and Tehran, which want to hold them according to the 2012 constitution, and between Washington and western countries, which refuse to recognize elections that are not held according to resolution 2254,
Abdulazim has called for a boycott of the elections, which he described as a farce. He underscored the opposition’s boycott and urging the people to reject them as well. He explained that the polls undermine attempts to reach a negotiated political solution in line with the UN resolutions and the Geneva declaration.
Asrawi, meanwhile, remarked that opposition forces inside Syria have not taken part in elections since 1973.
Toufic Sultan Recalls to Asharq Al-Awsat Mutual Hatred between Hafez al-Assad and Yasser Arafathttps://english.aawsat.com/features/5122443-toufic-sultan-recalls-asharq-al-awsat-mutual-hatred-between-hafez-al-assad-and
Toufic Sultan Recalls to Asharq Al-Awsat Mutual Hatred between Hafez al-Assad and Yasser Arafat
Arafat and Assad during a celebration of the Libyan Revolution in Tripoli in 1988. (AFP)
Journalists sometimes hear shocking statements—ones they lock away in their memory, fearing their repercussions. Some are too violent, too damaging, or too costly to repeat. Others risk swift denial from those who made them.
That was the case in late January 1987, when Kuwait hosted the fifth Islamic Summit.
Among the leaders in attendance were Saudi Arabia’s King Fahd bin Abdulaziz, Syrian President Hafez al-Assad, Lebanese President Amin Gemayel, and Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) Chairman Yasser Arafat.
I had requested an interview with Arafat, and he agreed to meet. After an exchange of pleasantries, he delivered a series of startling remarks.
“What’s happening in Beirut?” he asked.
“You know the country is grappling with the aftermath of the war of the camps,” I replied.
“No, Ghassan,” he shot back. “This is not the ‘war of the camps.’ The real name is the ‘war on the camps.’ It was personally ordered by Hafez al-Assad. Regrettably, the Amal Movement, led by Nabih Berri, is carrying out the decision, aided—unfortunately—by the Lebanese Army’s Sixth Brigade.”
Arafat must have noticed my surprise at his bluntness, because he raised his voice in anger.
“Assad is trying to finish what Ariel Sharon started in the 1982 invasion but failed to achieve. This is a continuation of Sharon’s mission to eliminate the PLO,” he charged.
Veteran Lebanese politician Toufic Sultan speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Assad: A Souk Al-Hamidiya merchant
I pointed out that his accusations were grave, targeting Syria’s head of state. His frustration only grew.
“Assad is not Syria’s president,” Arafat fumed.
“He is a merchant from Souk al-Hamidiya. If only he focused on reclaiming the Golan instead of blocking Palestinian independence to please America and Israel. Mark my words: time will prove me right. Hafez al-Assad does not recognize Palestine, nor Lebanon. He loathes Iraq under the guise of hating Saddam Hussein.”
Stunned, I listened as he went on.
“What they call an ‘uprising’ within Fatah is a conspiracy orchestrated by Assad and funded by [Libyan leader Moammar] al-Gaddafi. Assad’s only dream is to turn the Palestinian cause into a bargaining chip and to dominate Lebanon.”
As Arafat’s anger subsided, our conversation shifted to other topics.
A few days ago, I met with veteran Lebanese politician Toufic Sultan—a man who carries the collective memory of two cities. Born in Tripoli, he has also witnessed Beirut’s political twists and turns, having been a close associate of Kamal Jumblatt and his son, Walid, as well as former Prime Minister Rafik al-Hariri and his son, Saad.
He maintained ties with Arafat and participated in meetings with Assad and other Arab leaders. His recollections are rich with pivotal moments, particularly from his time as deputy leader of the National Movement, a coalition of leftist and nationalist forces led by Kamal Jumblatt.
Rocky start: Assad and Arafat’s strained relationship
Arafat’s relationship with Damascus was troubled from the outset. After a bloody internal dispute within Fatah, he was briefly detained in Syria, where the defense minister at the time was Hafez al-Assad.
Following the violent clashes between Palestinian factions and the Jordanian army in 1970, Assad came to view the presence of armed Palestinian groups as a source of chaos. This belief shaped his stance toward Arafat and the Palestinian resistance movement for years to come.
Assad grew uneasy when Palestinian factions relocated to Beirut and forged a broad alliance with Lebanon’s leftist parties and nationalist forces. He closely monitored Arafat’s rise as the dominant player on the Lebanese scene.
Despite Syria’s attempts to control the Palestinian file, Damascus struggled to rein in Fatah’s overwhelming influence and Arafat’s growing stature. His power extended to Lebanon’s southern border with Israel, where he effectively held decision-making authority.
Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Sultan recalled: “Hafez al-Assad never truly respected the idea of Palestinian resistance. I heard it from him directly and from those around him. His prevailing view was that there was no real resistance—just armed groups operating in coordination with intelligence agencies. The divide between Assad and Arafat was clear from the start.”
Sultan recounted an episode that underscored the deep divide between Assad and Arafat.
“One day, Assad told Arafat that Palestine did not exist—it was simply southern Syria. Arafat fired back, saying there was no such thing as Syria, only northern Palestine. There was an attempt to mask the exchange with humor, but the reality was that Assad genuinely viewed the issue through this lens,” Sultan said.
He explained that several Arab regimes sought to control the Palestinian cause, hoping to benefit from it without bearing its consequences.
“From the Baathist perspective, both in Baghdad and Damascus, there was a belief that the issue was too significant for the PLO to unilaterally determine its fate.”
Crackdown on Palestinian media
Sultan recalled a particularly tense moment in the PLO’s relationship with the Syrian regime.
“The organization operated a radio station in Syria. One day, it aired a segment quoting Arafat, including the phrase ‘There is water in my mouth’—a cryptic remark hinting at unspoken grievances. Syrian authorities responded swiftly, sending bulldozers to demolish the station and arresting several staff members.”
That night, Palestinian officials approached Sultan, urging him to speak with Kamal Jumblatt.
“Jumblatt suggested we arrange a meeting with Assad. It was Ramadan, so I contacted Hikmat al-Shihabi, then head of Syrian intelligence and our liaison,” recalled Sultan.
As the meeting neared sunset, Jumblatt sat across from Assad, with Sultan seated beside the Syrian president. The discussion quickly turned hostile toward Arafat.
“The conversation was filled with insults. Phrases like ‘We’ll bring him in’—implying they’d arrest him—and ‘We’ll flip him over’—a reference to how prisoners were beaten—were thrown around. Jumblatt, always polite and measured, stopped eating. Sensing his discomfort, Assad turned to me and asked me to intervene.”
Sultan responded: “Mr. President, the Palestinian fighters are not our schoolmates. We are committed to the Palestinian cause, and today, the PLO and Arafat represent that cause. These men have endured extreme hardships.”
Assad listened and then conceded: “Abu Rashid is right. Consider it settled, Kamal Bey.” The detainees were subsequently released.
A meeting between Kamal Jumblatt and Arafat attended by Toufic Sultan, George Hawi, Mohsen Ibrahim, and Yasser Abed Rabbo. (Courtesy of Toufic Sultan)
Deep-seated mutual hatred
Asked whether the animosity between Assad and Arafat was evident at the time, Sultan did not hesitate.
“Of course. It was well known,” he said. “One way to ingratiate oneself with Assad was to openly attack Arafat.”
He recalled a meeting with Walid Jumblatt, Assem Kanso—the head of Lebanon’s Baath Party—and Syrian Vice President Abdul Halim Khaddam.
“When Arafat’s name came up, Khaddam abruptly declared, ‘Yasser Arafat is an Israeli spy.’ I remained silent. He turned to me and asked for my opinion. I simply said, ‘I heard you.’”
Khaddam pressed further: “What do you think?”
Sultan replied: “I respect your opinion, and this is your office. But if you want my honest view, it won’t please you.”
The atmosphere surrounding Assad was particularly hostile toward Fatah. Syrian authorities used every means at their disposal to infiltrate the group.
After years of effort, they succeeded in orchestrating major defections, the most notable led by Abu Saleh, Abu Musa, and Abu Khaled al-Omleh. Damascus provided these factions with logistical support, training camps, and other resources.
“Syria had the power to shrink or amplify political movements,” remembered Sultan.
Despite knowing that geography gave Assad a strategic advantage, Arafat was not an easy adversary.
He countered Syria’s animosity with his trademark defiance—flashing the victory sign and invoking phrases like “the Palestinian bloodbath” and “the longest Arab-Israeli war.”
These references underscored the resilience of Palestinian fighters and their Lebanese allies during Israel’s 1982 siege of Beirut, led by then-Israeli Defense Minister Ariel Sharon.
At the time, many believed that Arafat’s relentless emphasis on “independent Palestinian decision-making” was aimed more at Assad than at any other party.
Damascus, in turn, saw Arafat as dismissive of the sacrifices made by the Syrian army during Israel’s invasion of Beirut.
Syrian officials also suspected that he was waiting for an opportunity to join peace negotiations with Israel—an option that had eluded him after he failed to follow in the footsteps of Egyptian President Anwar Sadat in the late 1970s.
