Iraqis Blame Hospital Fire on Mismanagement and Corruption

Relatives carry a coffin of a victim killed in a devastating fire in a Baghdad hospital on Sunday, one of over 80 people who died - AFP
Relatives carry a coffin of a victim killed in a devastating fire in a Baghdad hospital on Sunday, one of over 80 people who died - AFP
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Iraqis Blame Hospital Fire on Mismanagement and Corruption

Relatives carry a coffin of a victim killed in a devastating fire in a Baghdad hospital on Sunday, one of over 80 people who died - AFP
Relatives carry a coffin of a victim killed in a devastating fire in a Baghdad hospital on Sunday, one of over 80 people who died - AFP

The death of over 80 people in a Baghdad Covid-19 hospital fire was seen by Iraqis Sunday as more proof of the deadly consequences of mismanagement and corruption.

Iraqis, some of whom evacuated the injured themselves, blamed Health Minister Hassan al-Tamimi, who was suspended Sunday, with calls for him to be sacked resounding across social media.

The deadly inferno broke out overnight Sunday at Baghdad's Ibn al-Khatib hospital, blamed on poorly stored oxygen cylinders.

The interior ministry said 82 people were killed and 110 people injured, AFP reported.

An official with the Iraqi Human Rights Commission said 28 of those killed were patients who were taken off critical ventilators to escape the flames.

The evacuation was slow, painful and chaotic, with patients and their relatives crammed into stairwells as they scrambled for exits.

President Barham Saleh tweeted on Sunday "the tragedy at Ibn al-Khatib is the result of years of erosion of state institutions by corruption and mismanagement".

A doctor at the hospital said that "in the whole Covid intensive care unit, there were no emergency exits or fire prevention systems".

Witnesses and doctors told AFP many bodies had yet to be identified, the remains too charred by the intense flames.

These issues were raised in a 2017 public report on the Iraqi health sector, exhumed overnight in the wake of the fire by the country's human rights commission.

"It's mismanagement that killed these people," the doctor added, who, on condition of anonymity, angrily listed the hospital's many shortcomings.

"Managers walk around smoking in the hospital where oxygen cylinders are stored," he said. "Even in intensive care, there are always two or three friends or relatives at a patient's bedside."

And, he added, "this doesn't just happen at Ibn al-Khatib, it's like this in all the public hospitals".

"When equipment breaks down, our director tells us not to report it," said a nurse, in another hospital in Baghdad.

"He says it would give a bad image of his establishment, but in reality, we have nothing that works."

These institutions -- which until the 1980s were the pride of Iraq, known across the Arab world for its free, high quality public health services -- are now seen as an embarrassment by many.

Their equipment is outdated, staff are poorly trained and buildings crumbling.

In Iraq, the health sector only accounts for two percent of the budget, despite the country being one of the most oil-rich in the world.

According to the World Health Organization (WHO), Iraq only has 13 hospital beds and eight doctors for every 10,000 people. Forty years ago, there were 19 beds per person.

Moreover, with corruption rife and the drug market unregulated, speculation has driven prices through the roof.

From oxygen cylinders to vitamin C tablets, prices have risen threefold or more since the start of the coronavirus pandemic.

Many Iraqis have long opted to go abroad for operations and treatment, mainly to neighboring Iran and Syria, where currency devaluations in recent years have upped their purchasing power.

For Iraqis, thousands of whom protested for months starting in October 2019 against widespread corruption, the breakdown of public services is the direct result of years of nepotism and political self-preservation.

On Sunday, Iraqis questioned if the suspended health minister would be sacked, because he is backed by the powerful Shiite Muslim leader Moqtada Sadr.

Local and hospital officials have already been suspended over the fire and are being questioned, but they are only scapegoats, angry social media users say.

In the face of an intransigent status quo and leaders they consider "corrupt" and "incompetent", Iraqis have long fended for themselves.

As the fire raged Sunday, it was young men, bare-chested with their shirts as face masks against the acrid smoke, who pulled the injured from the burning building, loaded ambulances and helped survivors escape.



Will Regional Tensions Stall Palestinian Arms Handover in Lebanon?

A poster in the Shatila Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut shows a Hamas fighter… (AFP) 
A poster in the Shatila Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut shows a Hamas fighter… (AFP) 
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Will Regional Tensions Stall Palestinian Arms Handover in Lebanon?

A poster in the Shatila Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut shows a Hamas fighter… (AFP) 
A poster in the Shatila Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut shows a Hamas fighter… (AFP) 

The escalation of the Israeli-Iranian conflict has disrupted Lebanon’s internal agenda, pausing progress on several sensitive files, including the handover of Palestinian weapons inside refugee camps. The disarmament initiative, which was scheduled to begin this week in Beirut’s camps, has now been delayed amid shifting regional dynamics.

According to official Lebanese sources, Palestinian factions have not yet received any instructions - either from Ramallah or Lebanese security agencies - regarding weapons collection. While this has halted implementation, sources say the file is still active. “The factions requested a grace period before the process begins in Beirut’s camps,” the sources told Asharq Al-Awsat, adding that the plan will instead start in the South.

The phased disarmament will begin in the southern camps under the jurisdiction of UN Security Council Resolution 1701, starting with Al-Buss camp near Tyre, followed by Rashidieh and Al-Burj Al-Shamali. No fixed timeline has been set, and implementation will proceed gradually.

A senior Fatah official, Azzam al-Ahmad, is expected to return to Beirut soon at the head of a security delegation to continue discussions on the framework and logistics of the disarmament plan. Al-Ahmad had visited Lebanon prior to Eid al-Adha to mediate internal Fatah disagreements and met with senior Lebanese security officials during his stay.

Palestinian analyst Hesham Debsi, director of the Tatwir Center for Studies, says the disarmament file has not been shelved. “This is not just a local issue; it’s closely tied to regional developments and international negotiations, particularly the US-Iran nuclear talks,” Debsi said.

He noted that the broader Israeli-Iranian confrontation has forced stakeholders to reconsider the timing of major initiatives, including the Arab-French-international conference previously planned to support the Palestinian state and Lebanese sovereignty.

Debsi emphasized that delays do not signal a reversal in political commitment. A joint statement in May between Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas and Lebanese President Joseph Aoun affirmed both parties’ agreement on limiting weapons to the Lebanese state and preventing camps from becoming safe havens for extremist groups.

While preparations are advancing, actual implementation will depend on Lebanon’s political assessment of the right moment to proceed.

Reports of internal dissent within Fatah over the arms file were acknowledged by Debsi but dismissed as resolved. “Some members objected for political or organizational reasons, including feelings of exclusion. Others viewed the decision as hasty,” he said. These concerns, he added, were addressed by the delegation from Ramallah, which also introduced structural reforms in the PLO, the Palestinian embassy, and Fatah’s leadership in Lebanon.

Palestinian armed presence in Lebanon is concentrated across 12 major camps, largely outside state control. Fatah, Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine dominate these areas. Historically active pro-Syrian factions outside the camps, such as the PFLP-General Command and As-Saiqa, have largely lost their influence, with the Lebanese Army dismantling their remaining bases.