Iranian Militias, Syrian Regime Tussle over ‘Sayyida Zainab’

Iranian militias and regime forces vie for power in the Sayyida Zainab region. (Reuters)
Iranian militias and regime forces vie for power in the Sayyida Zainab region. (Reuters)
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Iranian Militias, Syrian Regime Tussle over ‘Sayyida Zainab’

Iranian militias and regime forces vie for power in the Sayyida Zainab region. (Reuters)
Iranian militias and regime forces vie for power in the Sayyida Zainab region. (Reuters)

The conflict over the Sayyida Zainab region and the surrounding areas south of the capital Damascus is persisting between Iranian militias and Syrian security forces and the 4th Armored Division.

The dispute erupted over the closure of a main road that leaders to the region, while only one route was kept open to the area.

Conflicting reports have emerged over which side took such a step in a region that is controlled by Iran and its militias.

The Sayyida Zainab region is only accessible through two main roads. The first is the “Mafraq al-Mustaqbal” that lies on the Damascus International Airport highway. The second road starts from Damascus’ al-Qazaz neighborhood, passing through the towns of Babbila and Hujeira and reaches Sayyida Zainab.

The Hujeira road was recently blocked by a large sand barrier and unidentified gunmen have been deployed in the area to thoroughly inspect the identification cards of passersby.

The Babbila-Hujeira-Sayyida Zainab route was opened in 2018 after the Syrian government recaptured the area through a Russian-mediated “reconciliation” agreement. Soon after, an intelligence agency checkpoint was set up at Hujeira’s northern entrance.

The checkpoint is still there today, just a few dozen meters from the new sand barrier.

Moreover, other sand barriers have been set up at byroads leading to Sayyida Zainab. Only two or three of those roads have been left open and they all lead to Iranian headquarters.

Several posters of President Bashar Assad, and others of him with his brother Maher, leader of the 4th Armored Division, and others of him with Hezbollah chief Hassan Nasrallah, have noticeably gone up on the region.

A local source told Asharq Al-Awsat that the Hujeira residents were surprised with the sand barrier and with how people traveling in their vehicles were barred from reaching their homes. They said that cars were only given access to the region through the Mafraq al-Mustaqbal road.

“No one knows why and who set up the barrier,” they said.

Some spoke of disputes when Iran’s Shiite militants attacked members of the Armored Division, prompting the latter to block the road. Others said that the militias were the ones who set up the barrier in order to consolidate their control over the region.

Another source told Asharq Al-Awsat that the members of the security and Armored Division were “very upset with Iran’s swallowing up of the region.”

Iran has set up a large complex over vast territories in northern Hujeira that it says serves recreational, sports and cultural purposes. It also set up a large barracks to its south and continues to purchase houses in the area, revealed the source.

The rival factions clash and “the people pay the price by going through pains to reach their work, schools and securing their basic needs.”

People driving up the Mafraq al-Mustaqbal road told Asharq Al-Awsat that the checkpoint there was usually held by Shiite militias.

Now, there are three checkpoints: One jointly held by the militias, general intelligence and Armored Division, another held by the “military security” agency and a third held by the general security directorate.

The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights had reported in early May on a struggle for power raging since mid-March between the Iranian militias and Armored Division in regions south of Damascus.

The disputes had erupted after the militias blocked main roads and byroads connecting Sayyida Zainab to Babbila and Hujeira. The militias also deployed their gunmen along the blocked roads without offering any explanation for their actions.

Sayyida Zainab was seen as an Iranian stronghold even before the eruption of the Syrian conflict in 2011. The region was visited by Shiites from Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, Afghanistan and Pakistan

When the conflict broke out, Iran took it upon itself to “defend” the area and used that as an excuse to attract gunmen from around the globe to Syria. Now, some 50 local and foreign militias boasting some 60,000 gunmen loyal to Iran are deployed in Syria.
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Confession in Hisham al-Hashimi Killing Sparks Outrage in Iraq

File photo shows an Iraqi man standing in front of a poster of researcher Hisham al-Hashimi, who was shot dead in Baghdad in July 2020 (AP)
File photo shows an Iraqi man standing in front of a poster of researcher Hisham al-Hashimi, who was shot dead in Baghdad in July 2020 (AP)
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Confession in Hisham al-Hashimi Killing Sparks Outrage in Iraq

File photo shows an Iraqi man standing in front of a poster of researcher Hisham al-Hashimi, who was shot dead in Baghdad in July 2020 (AP)
File photo shows an Iraqi man standing in front of a poster of researcher Hisham al-Hashimi, who was shot dead in Baghdad in July 2020 (AP)

A leaked video showing the confession of the man accused of killing prominent Iraqi researcher Hisham al-Hashimi has reignited public scrutiny of the 2020 assassination and raised fresh questions about those behind the killing and the judiciary's handling of the case.

The video, widely circulated among Iraqi users on X, shows Ahmed Hamdawi Owaid detailing his role in the drive-by shooting that claimed al-Hashimi’s life outside his home in Baghdad’s Zayouna district.

The clip sparked a torrent of commentary on social media, with many Iraqis criticizing both armed factions and the judiciary.

Speculation swirled over who leaked the interrogation footage, which appears to have come from a police officer, and what their motives were. Many believe the leak was a calculated move by opponents of both the judiciary and powerful militias, reflecting the deep divisions between Iraq’s ruling forces, armed groups, and judicial authorities.

In the video, Hamdawi names senior Kataib Hezbollah figure and current lawmaker Hussein Moanes as the one who ordered the hit, a revelation seen as a direct blow to the Iran-aligned militia. Moanes, also known by his alias Abu Ali al-Askari, recently lashed out at calls to disarm armed factions.

Al-Askari had operated anonymously on X for years before al-Hashimi revealed his identity weeks ahead of his assassination, linking him to Moanes, a move that some now view as a possible trigger for the killing.

While some outlets quoted Moanes denying involvement, the Sabereen News channel, which is affiliated with armed groups, said he has not issued any official response.

Judiciary Under Fire

The leak has placed Iraq’s judiciary under renewed scrutiny, particularly after it released Hamdawi in March 2024 for “lack of evidence” despite his recorded confession and detailed description of the crime.

Rather than addressing the inconsistencies surrounding Hamdawi’s release, Iraq’s Supreme Judicial Council issued a statement condemning the leak, calling it illegal and an attempt to mislead public opinion.

The council confirmed that Hamdawi had been detained under Order No. 29, which established a committee led by former intelligence officer Abu Ragheef during Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi’s tenure.

The statement added that Hamdawi gave different testimony before the judicial committee than what he said in the leaked video.

The Abu Ragheef committee had previously faced criticism from armed faction-aligned figures, and Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani ultimately disbanded it in 2022 after assuming office.

The judiciary noted that the leaked video was likely filmed by a police officer on the committee, and that its publication violated legal investigative procedures.

Calls for Justice Persist

It remains unclear whether the new evidence will lead to a retrial. Hamdawi was reinstated as a police officer after his acquittal, and a leaked document suggests he was included in the Interior Ministry’s annual promotions list.

Judicial sources say a retrial is unlikely given the political pressure on the courts and resistance from influential factions to reopening the case.

Al-Hashimi, an expert on extremist groups and a government advisor, was gunned down on July 6, 2020. Days later, Kadhimi announced the arrest of the suspects, including Hamdawi, whose initial confession was broadcast on state television.

Despite multiple court hearings beginning in September 2021, the judiciary postponed the verdict in six separate sessions before ultimately releasing him in late 2022. The delays fueled suspicions among activists and civil society groups that political pressure was exerted to secure Hamdawi’s release.

Five years on, al-Hashimi’s murder remains unsolved, and his killers have yet to face justice.