Cocoa and Cashew Nuts: Lebanon's Long Subsidy List Is Costing it Dear

People shop at a supermarket ahead of a tightened lockdown and a 24-hour curfew to curb the spread of COVID-19 in Beirut on January 13, 2021. (Reuters)
People shop at a supermarket ahead of a tightened lockdown and a 24-hour curfew to curb the spread of COVID-19 in Beirut on January 13, 2021. (Reuters)
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Cocoa and Cashew Nuts: Lebanon's Long Subsidy List Is Costing it Dear

People shop at a supermarket ahead of a tightened lockdown and a 24-hour curfew to curb the spread of COVID-19 in Beirut on January 13, 2021. (Reuters)
People shop at a supermarket ahead of a tightened lockdown and a 24-hour curfew to curb the spread of COVID-19 in Beirut on January 13, 2021. (Reuters)

As Lebanon's hard currency reserves dropped alarmingly last year, its subsidy program expanded to include cocoa powder, cashew nuts and saffron.

The move was designed to support local producers who either made the goods or used them as ingredients, and to complement price support for core items like fuel and wheat aimed at ordinary people caught up in a spiraling financial crisis.

But for critics of the government, the additions were a sign of a bloated and poorly managed subsidy system that did not always reach the people it was meant to, encouraged smuggling and wasted precious reserves.

"Subsidies should be to subsidize basic things, not an entire industry," Hani Bohsali, head of the Syndicate of Importers of Foodstuffs, Consumer Products and Drinks, said of the expanded list.

"Do you really need to subsidize cocoa powder and cake-making?"

Around 300 items such as cashew nuts and canned mushrooms were added. The list has now been reduced to around 150 items - still far too many, according to Bohsali.

Asked why so many goods were still on the list, caretaker economy minister Raoul Nehme told Reuters that the government had hoped to move quickly to a new program directly subsidizing families with cash.

He also said that any subsidy system was open to smuggling, and that when it was introduced a year ago it was only meant to last a few months.

Lebanon, which is in political paralysis, deeply indebted and struggling to raise funds from potential donor states and institutions, spends about $6 billion a year on subsidies.

Central bank reserves stood at just over $15 billion in March, compared with more than $30 billion before the economic crisis hit in 2019. The central bank did not give more recent figures.

The caretaker government has said money for subsidies could run out as soon as the end of May, in what would be a major blow to a population more than a half of which lives in poverty.

Caretaker energy minister Raymond Ghajar warned that Lebanon could be plunged into darkness and the head of the pharmacists' syndicate said the country was running short of medicine.

Government seeks change
Under the current system, the central bank provides hard currency to importers at the old currency peg of 1,515 Lebanese pounds to the dollar for fuel, wheat and medicine and at 3,900 to the dollar for a basket of basic items.

With reserves depleted, the government has said subsidies needed reining in, but it has stopped short of ending them until an alternative cash subsidy system is approved by parliament.

Meanwhile, some of those who most need access to cheap goods struggle to get it. A regulation that stipulates subsidized food items go straight from importer to retailer, for example, can cut out wholesalers who reach smaller outlets and remote areas.

Shoppers can buy expensive French butter at a fifth of its value at upscale Beirut supermarkets, while others are left brawling over subsidized cooking oil elsewhere.

Items with Lebanese subsidy stickers have also shown up in far-flung markets in Europe and Africa.

"From Africa with love" one twitter user wrote with an image of subsidized coffee showing up in her local store in Benin.

Smuggling on a larger scale involves more basic items, including livestock, wheat and fuel.

Fuel leaks into Syria
Hatem Aboualshra, a livestock trader in the northern city of Tripoli, said big profits could be made by purchasing animals from abroad with subsidized dollars and then smuggling them to a third country illegally at a healthy profit.

Sheep imported from Armenia for around $100 a head, for example, can sell in the Gulf at over $200, he added.

"If they just stop this subsidy the meat will become cheaper because the original traders will start normal work again."

By far the biggest outlay for the government is subsidies on fuel, which account for around half of the annual bill, or $3 billion.

Many petrol stations are closed because they have nothing to sell, and those that are open attract long queues of cars.

"In all of Beirut I couldn't find any gas stations ... this is the first one I find that is working," said Mohamed Maktabi, an engineer back home from abroad for the recent Muslim Eid al-Fitr holidays. He had been waiting more than 20 minutes in line.

Minister Ghajar said in mid-April that fuel smuggling into neighboring Syria, where it can be sold for 10 times the price, was the main reason for shortages.

Small villages like al Qasr, in Lebanon's Baalbek and Hermel region on the border with Syria, are ideally located for the illicit trade.

Villagers living meters from Syria move freely between checkpoints, and small fuel containers are carried on scooters across the border for profit.

A Lebanese army officer involved in patrolling the border said fuel and wheat were being smuggled into Syria, along with clothes, cigarettes and other food items.

"We have managed to stop a large portion of this," added the officer.

The army has set up checkpoints and surveillance towers on top of the eastern mountains that separate the two countries.



As the UN Turns 80, Its Crucial Humanitarian Aid Work Faces a Clouded Future

Students in an English class at a primary school run by URWA for Palestinian refugees at the Mar Elias refugee camp in Beirut, Lebanon, Monday, June 2, 2025. (AP Photo/Hassan Ammar)
Students in an English class at a primary school run by URWA for Palestinian refugees at the Mar Elias refugee camp in Beirut, Lebanon, Monday, June 2, 2025. (AP Photo/Hassan Ammar)
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As the UN Turns 80, Its Crucial Humanitarian Aid Work Faces a Clouded Future

Students in an English class at a primary school run by URWA for Palestinian refugees at the Mar Elias refugee camp in Beirut, Lebanon, Monday, June 2, 2025. (AP Photo/Hassan Ammar)
Students in an English class at a primary school run by URWA for Palestinian refugees at the Mar Elias refugee camp in Beirut, Lebanon, Monday, June 2, 2025. (AP Photo/Hassan Ammar)

At a refugee camp in northern Kenya, Aujene Cimanimpaye waits as a hot lunch of lentils and sorghum is ladled out for her and her nine children — all born while she has received United Nations assistance since fleeing her violence-wracked home in Congo in 2007.

“We cannot go back home because people are still being killed,” the 41-year-old said at the Kakuma camp, where the UN World Food Program and UN refugee agency help support more than 300,000 refugees, The Associated Press said.

Her family moved from Nakivale Refugee Settlement in neighboring Uganda three years ago to Kenya, now home to more than a million refugees from dozens of conflict-hit east African countries.

A few kilometers (miles) away at the Kalobeyei Refugee Settlement, fellow Congolese refugee Bahati Musaba, a mother of five, said that since 2016, “UN agencies have supported my children’s education — we get food and water and even medicine,” as well as cash support from WFP to buy food and other basics.

This year, those cash transfers — and many other UN aid activities — have stopped, threatening to upend or jeopardize millions of lives.

As the UN marks its 80th anniversary this month, its humanitarian agencies are facing one of the greatest crises in their history: The biggest funder — the United States — under the Trump administration and other Western donors have slashed international aid spending. Some want to use the money to build up national defense.

Some UN agencies are increasingly pointing fingers at one another as they battle over a shrinking pool of funding, said a diplomat from a top donor country who spoke on condition of anonymity to comment freely about the funding crisis faced by some UN agencies.

Such pressures, humanitarian groups say, diminish the pivotal role of the UN and its partners in efforts to save millions of lives — by providing tents, food and water to people fleeing unrest in places like Myanmar, Sudan, Syria and Venezuela, or helping stamp out smallpox decades ago.

“It’s the most abrupt upheaval of humanitarian work in the UN in my 40 years as a humanitarian worker, by far,” said Jan Egeland, a former UN humanitarian aid chief who now heads the Norwegian Refugee Council. “And it will make the gap between exploding needs and contributions to aid work even bigger.”

‘Brutal’ cuts to humanitarian aid programs UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres has asked the heads of UN agencies to find ways to cut 20% of their staffs, and his office in New York has floated sweeping ideas about reform that could vastly reshape the way the United Nations doles out aid.

Humanitarian workers often face dangers and go where many others don’t — to slums to collect data on emerging viruses or drought-stricken areas to deliver water.

The UN says 2024 was the deadliest year for humanitarian personnel on record, mainly due to the war in Gaza. In February, it suspended aid operations in the stronghold of Yemen’s Houthi group, who have detained dozens of UN and other aid workers.

Proponents say UN aid operations have helped millions around the world affected by poverty, illness, conflict, hunger and other troubles.

Critics insist many operations have become bloated, replete with bureaucratic perks and a lack of accountability, and are too distant from in-the-field needs. They say postcolonial Western donations have fostered dependency and corruption, which stifles the ability of countries to develop on their own, while often UN-backed aid programs that should be time-specific instead linger for many years with no end in sight.

In the case of the Nobel Peace Prize-winning WFP and the UN’s refugee and migration agencies, the US has represented at least 40% of their total budgets, and Trump administration cuts to roughly $60 billion in US foreign assistance have hit hard. Each UN agency has been cutting thousands of jobs and revising aid spending.

“It's too brutal what has happened,” said Egeland, alluding to cuts that have jolted the global aid community. “However, it has forced us to make priorities ... what I hope is that we will be able to shift more of our resources to the front lines of humanity and have less people sitting in offices talking about the problem.”

With the UN Security Council's divisions over wars in Ukraine and the Middle East hindering its ability to prevent or end conflict in recent years, humanitarian efforts to vaccinate children against polio or shelter and feed refugees have been a bright spot of UN activity. That's dimming now.

Not just funding cuts cloud the future of UN humanitarian work

Aside from the cuts and dangers faced by humanitarian workers, political conflict has at times overshadowed or impeded their work.

UNRWA, the aid agency for Palestinian refugees, has delivered an array of services to millions — food, education, jobs and much more — in Lebanon, Syria and Jordan as well as in the West Bank and Gaza since its founding in 1948.

Israel claims the agency's schools fan antisemitic and anti-Israel sentiment, which the agency denies. Israel says Hamas siphons off UN aid in Gaza to profit from it, while UN officials insist most aid gets delivered directly to the needy.

“UNRWA is like one of the foundations of your home. If you remove it, everything falls apart,” said Issa Haj Hassan, 38, after a checkup at a small clinic at the Mar Elias Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut.

UNRWA covers his diabetes and blood pressure medication, as well as his wife’s heart medicine. The United States, Israel's top ally, has stopped contributing to UNRWA; it once provided a third of its funding. Earlier this year, Israel banned the aid group, which has strived to continue its work nonetheless.

Ibtisam Salem, a single mother of five in her 50s who shares a small one-room apartment in Beirut with relatives who sleep on the floor, said: “If it wasn’t for UNRWA we would die of starvation. ... They helped build my home, and they give me health care. My children went to their schools.”

Especially when it comes to food and hunger, needs worldwide are growing even as funding to address them shrinks.

“This year, we have estimated around 343 million acutely food insecure people,” said Carl Skau, WFP deputy executive director. “It’s a threefold increase if we compare four years ago. And this year, our funding is dropping 40%. So obviously that’s an equation that doesn’t come together easily.”

Billing itself as the world's largest humanitarian organization, WFP has announced plans to cut about a quarter of its 22,000 staff.

The aid landscape is shifting

One question is how the United Nations remains relevant as an aid provider when global cooperation is on the outs, and national self-interest and self-defense are on the upswing.

The United Nations is not alone: Many of its aid partners are feeling the pinch. Groups like GAVI, which tries to ensure fair distribution of vaccines around the world, and the Global Fund, which spends billions each year to help battle HIV, tuberculosis and malaria, have been hit by Trump administration cuts to the US Agency for International Development.

Some private-sector, government-backed groups also are cropping up, including the divisive Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, which has been providing some food to Palestinians. But violence has erupted as crowds try to reach the distribution sites.

The future of UN aid, experts say, will rest where it belongs — with the world body's 193 member countries.

“We need to take that debate back into our countries, into our capitals, because it is there that you either empower the UN to act and succeed — or you paralyze it,” said Achim Steiner, administrator of the UN Development Program.