Gaza Conflict Forged New Sense of Palestinian Unity

Palestinian volunteers in Gaza City’s Rimal district, on Tuesday, sweep the rubble of buildings and shops, recently destroyed by Israeli airstrikes. (AFP)
Palestinian volunteers in Gaza City’s Rimal district, on Tuesday, sweep the rubble of buildings and shops, recently destroyed by Israeli airstrikes. (AFP)
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Gaza Conflict Forged New Sense of Palestinian Unity

Palestinian volunteers in Gaza City’s Rimal district, on Tuesday, sweep the rubble of buildings and shops, recently destroyed by Israeli airstrikes. (AFP)
Palestinian volunteers in Gaza City’s Rimal district, on Tuesday, sweep the rubble of buildings and shops, recently destroyed by Israeli airstrikes. (AFP)

The latest escalation in the Middle East conflict served to unite the geographically fragmented Palestinian community in a way not seen in years, analysts say.

From the blockaded Gaza Strip to the occupied West Bank and annexed East Jerusalem to Arab-Israelis living inside the Jewish state, scattered people pulled closer together.

A sea of Palestinian flags flew in solidarity rallies, especially during “Day of Rage” protests and a general strike on May 18 that cut across separate areas, AFP reported.

Administrative offices, schools and businesses closed across the West Bank not only to protest the bombardment of Gaza but also against expanding Jewish settlements in the occupied territories.

“To see every single Palestinian community rise up together, this is extremely rare,” said Salem Barahmeh, director of the Palestine Institute for Public Diplomacy.

“To go on a national strike and protest and to have the Palestinian diaspora also involved, that’s pretty historic,” he said, referring to rallies by Palestinians abroad.

An Arab-Israeli, Mussa Hassuna, was killed in a confrontation between Jewish nationalists and young Arabs in Lod, in central Israel. Israeli Arabs are the descendants of Palestinians who stayed on their land after the creation of Israel in 1948.

The fragmentation has long served to “ensure that there is no full Palestinian engagement geographically, socially and politically,” said Barahmeh, who is based in Ramallah in the West Bank.

While Gaza is mired in poverty, the West Bank after successive intifadas (uprisings) has seen liberal economic policies and the emergence of a middle class that at times seems less politically engaged, he said.

Arab-Israelis, a minority of about 20 percent in Israel, meanwhile face their own unique challenges, said Amal Jamal, political science professor at Tel Aviv University.

“Palestinians in Israel are realistic, they have been living with Jews for decades, they understand the Israeli psyche, politics, culture, they speak Hebrew fluently,” he said.

“Palestinians in Israel are fighting for their legitimacy, to be part of the political system, part of the decision making, in order to lead to a solution to the Palestinian problem.”

Mariam Barghouti, a researcher and Palestinian activist, said that in the wider community “each person has a different experience with the Israeli state and that creates isolation for different communities.

“It breaks the ability to relate to each other and our experiences.”

But amid the recent surge in violence, Barghouti said, Arab-Israelis found themselves confronted by “people shouting ‘death to Arabs’ and attacking Palestinians with weapons.”

They realized that “it’s not just a West Bank problem, not just a Gaza problem,” said Barghouti. “It is an apartheid problem, a colonial problem, it’s an Israeli state problem.”

The US-based group Human Rights Watch and Israel’s B’Tselem recently accused Israel of running an “apartheid” system — a charge strongly rejected by the Jewish state.

Jamal also said that the recent flare-up “made everybody feel how Palestinian they are. But there is a big difference between the sentiment and the political will or political orientation.”

Palestinians have been politically divided between Hamas and its rival Fatah, which has seen splinter groups emerge.

Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas of Fatah had recently called the first Palestinian elections in 15 years this year.

But he then indefinitely postponed the polls, blaming voting restrictions in annexed East Jerusalem, which led Hamas to accuse Abbas of perpetrating a “coup.”

Despite those divisions, a sense of common Palestinian identity has been strengthened, said Barahmeh.

“You see people coming out together in a unified manner, speaking the same language ... protesting the same system, projecting the same identity,” he said.

“Everything we see tells us that there is a form of unity. Is it fully formed? No ... But I think it’s the start of something.”



Three Scenarios for Russia’s Military Presence in Syria

Russian President Vladimir Putin inspecting his troops at Hmeimim Airbase in Latakia on December 12, 2017 (Sputnik/AP)
Russian President Vladimir Putin inspecting his troops at Hmeimim Airbase in Latakia on December 12, 2017 (Sputnik/AP)
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Three Scenarios for Russia’s Military Presence in Syria

Russian President Vladimir Putin inspecting his troops at Hmeimim Airbase in Latakia on December 12, 2017 (Sputnik/AP)
Russian President Vladimir Putin inspecting his troops at Hmeimim Airbase in Latakia on December 12, 2017 (Sputnik/AP)

Russian President Vladimir Putin said on Thursday he would meet former Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, who fled to Russia after his regime fell in Damascus. But what will Putin say to his former ally? And how might their first exchange unfold, given Russia’s role in helping Assad escape on a chaotic night?

The Kremlin, known for staging Putin’s meetings with precision, might opt to limit media coverage this time. Putin could be seen sitting at a small table with Assad, now on asylum

in Moscow, in a soundless scene—one that leaves little room for formal pleasantries.

Why has Putin announced plans to meet Assad? Is it to reprimand him? Many in Russia believe Assad’s stubbornness has hurt Moscow’s efforts, threatened its gains in Syria, and could eventually risk its key military presence there.

As details remain unclear, Russian experts are racing to analyze developments in Syria and outline scenarios for the next phase.

Some Russian experts have painted grim scenarios. A member of the prestigious Russian Council on Foreign and Defense Policy warned of potential risks, including a prolonged conflict with civil war elements, a humanitarian catastrophe with millions of refugees, escalating migration in Europe, and rising tensions among nations like Israel, the US, and Iran.

He also predicted a new wave of international terrorism that could reach far beyond the region.

Other experts echoed this pessimism. One posted an image of a Syrian dissident stepping on a statue of Assad’s father, warning that “this is just the beginning.” Another blamed the crisis on the “Obama curse,” citing the West’s interference, while a third shared a bleak analysis titled, “We Must Pray for Syria.”

So far, Russian media and think tanks have avoided any optimistic outlooks for Syria’s future.

Experts, who spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat, believe Moscow may be preparing to handle one of three possible scenarios in Syria.

The first, most favorable for Russia’s interests, involves Moscow reaching an agreement with the new Syrian authorities to maintain its military presence for a limited period.

This could mean replacing the current 49-year agreements with a five-year deal to facilitate a gradual Russian withdrawal. Such an arrangement could help the new leadership in Syria manage Western pressure to cut ties with Moscow.

The second scenario envisions Russia giving up its airbase in Hmeimim while retaining a significant presence in Tartus. This would mirror agreements from 1972, which allowed Russian naval vessels to use the Tartus logistics center in the Mediterranean. This compromise would preserve Russia’s interests while reducing Western pressure on Damascus.

The third scenario involves a full Russian withdrawal from both bases, with Moscow later seeking agreements for shared use of air and sea ports. Such agreements, similar to those Russia has signed with other countries, are less likely to provoke Western opposition.

Regardless of the outcome, the Kremlin has yet to develop a clear strategy for dealing with the emerging situation in Syria.

Key questions remain, including how to curb Iran’s regional influence, manage Türkiye and Israel’s growing roles in Syria, and establish a new regional balance that secures Moscow’s minimum interests.