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Greek Foreign Minister to Asharq Al-Awsat: We Are Not Accrediting Our Chargé d'Affaires to the Assad Regime

Greek Foreign Minister Nikos Dendias. Greek Foreign Ministry
Greek Foreign Minister Nikos Dendias. Greek Foreign Ministry
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Greek Foreign Minister to Asharq Al-Awsat: We Are Not Accrediting Our Chargé d'Affaires to the Assad Regime

Greek Foreign Minister Nikos Dendias. Greek Foreign Ministry
Greek Foreign Minister Nikos Dendias. Greek Foreign Ministry

Greek Foreign Minister Nikos Dendias told Asharq Al-Awsat in an interview published Saturday that his country does not want Syria to be a “failed state,” and that it decided to send a diplomat to Damascus “to help normalize the situation,” adding, however, that Athens is “not accrediting” him to the regime of Bashar Assad.

In response to a question, Dendias said that Greece remains committed to a European Union decision on seeing genuine steps from the Assad regime in order to provide funds for Syria’s reconstruction.

“We don’t accept the result of the elections,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat, adding: “I am not bringing news to you saying that democratization, the full respect of human rights, and accountability for crimes of war is what the European Union would expect.”

“We are interested to see how the Assad regime sees the future,” Dendias told his interviewer, adding: “The Constitutional Committee is a great forum in which, if the Assad regime wishes, it could present some sort of steps. But I am not sure that we will see that happening.”

The Minister also lauded relations with Saudi Arabia, saying the Kingdom “is a very important country” for the world, European and Greek economies.

“Safety of the Saudi Kingdom is of the essence for us. That is why we have signed an agreement with them,” he added.

Dendias referred to the importance of consultations with the Arab League and said: “Telling me where we see eye to eye with Egypt, there are plenty of issues.

“International law of the sea, sovereignty, rule of law, good relations with the European Union, and migration issues. Egypt does not instrumentalize migration issues in an effort to blackmail Greece or blackmail the European Union.”

He also expressed satisfaction with the US decision to expand its naval military base in Greece, saying: “We are negotiating a new defense agreement with the United States. I hope we will be able to conclude these negotiations by the autumn of 2021.”

Here is the full text of the interview that was carried out with Asharq Al-Awsat by video link:

• Thank you so much for your time. I have been following up on your trips to the region for ages. I will start from your visit yesterday to Cairo. What can you tell me about your visit? Why did you make it, and what is your interpretation of the agreement that you have signed with the Head of the Arab League Ahmed Abul Gheit?

- Well, first of all, if I may be allowed to say so, it was long overdue. We have a historic relation with the Arab countries that goes back centuries. We tried to calculate it with the Secretary-General of the Arab League, we arrived to something like 25-26 centuries, something like that.

So, having an institutionalized relation with the Arab League was something absolutely important for us. We see that as one step towards coming to a closer understanding with most of the Arab countries, especially, if I may be allowed to say, the Arab countries that share our way of dealing with the international order, which means the rules-based order.

• What was interesting is that you have signed an agreement with Abul Gheit for consultations, I mean, between Greece and the Arab League.
So, what is the political meaning of this agreement?

- You consider consultations as diplomatic jargon, but in a way, Sir, it is not. If you want to come to a common understanding, you have to discuss things. You have to express your views, and also appreciate how the other side sees things.

If that does not happen, then it is just parallel monologues from one side or from the other side. And if by coincidence we have the same interest, fine, if not, we arrive to nothing; it is just parallel lines to nowhere.

So, for us, consultation is something very meaningful. We would like the Arab League and the Arab nations to understand our way of seeing things and the problems we are facing in the region, but also our dreams, our aspirations, our ambitions for the region.

And also, we would like to know theirs. It is a very complex region. History touches upon today’s challenges, so this needs a lot of understanding between us. But also, it is a huge opportunity.

• But, your Excellency, I am asking this question because there is this perception in the Arab world - amongst some analysts, some journalists like myself - that some other regional countries like Turkey or Iran, always try to undermine the Arab League and the Arab role, at the time you have decided to institutionalize this relationship between Athens and the Arab League.

- For Turkey, I have seen it happening, let me be frank, and I will not quote which country, but colleagues of mine, from a number of Arab countries, have given me solid proof of the way Turkey sees the Arab nations and also the dreams that Turkey has. Some sort of neo-Ottoman aspiration, believing that this caliphate could be recreated.

For Greece, we have no imperialistic aspirations in the region. The only thing we would like is to understand and align our interest with the interest of our friends.

And we believe that, in that context, and in the context of international law of the sea, with which most of the countries that we have close relations with, have subscribed to, could create a better future for all of us.

And, let me say, as a final touch on this, we would wish Turkey to become a part of this understanding, but unfortunately, I am afraid this has a long way to go.

• You have visited Cairo around 5 times in 18 months?

- I really cannot say. I am coming from Corfu, I have been more times to Cairo than I have been to Corfu while I am Minister of Foreign Affairs. I really step out of the car and I feel I am at home, I know the doors, I know where the elevator is, I know the corridors.

But, again, I have a personal relationship with Egyptian Foreign Minister Sameh Shoukry and I have to say, I have respect for President (Abdel Fattah) el-Sissi and what he is doing for Egypt and what he is trying to do with Egypt. They are trying hard.

• Could you please, Sir, name the mutual interest that you share with Egypt regarding bilateral issues, regional issues, and other relevant issues you might think of?

- It would be very difficult if you asked me to name our differences with Egypt. Then I would have to start thinking and scratching my head. But telling me where we see eye to eye with Egypt, there are plenty of issues.

International law of the sea, sovereignty, rule of law, good relations with the European Union, and migration issues. Egypt does not instrumentalize migration issues in an effort to blackmail Greece or blackmail the European Union.

After 2017, there are no migratory flows from Egypt towards Europe. The overall stability of the region, Libya, I mean, whatever I think, I see that with Egypt, we have a very, very good understanding.

• Yes, part of it, Sir, is the gas in the Mediterranean, or the maritime? If I’m not mistaken?

- You are not mistaken at all. Creating a corridor of energy supply from Egypt to the European Union, the Gas Forum, the pipelines, and also the interconnector, are part of our effort to create a common economic future.

And I have to say, energy in Greece - and I am taking Greece as an example - is rather expensive. The energy that we can bring from Egypt to Greece is much cheaper, which will help us create sustainable growth in our economy.

So, there is an endless catalogue of common interests with Egypt.

• But when it comes to the gas in the Mediterranean, you have established this block of the 6 nations, 6 countries. Could you please tell me more about what are the aims, what are the goals of this block? Is it just purely economic, or is it more geopolitical?

- Well, the only thing I would put in order is we do not consider ourselves a block. We consider ourselves an understanding because we share a common vision, a common future, and a common interest. And I am openly saying to you, if Turkey subscribes to the rules, Turkey is welcome to join in; or any other country, by the way, not just Turkey.

Now, no, it is not only an economic interest. It is clearly an economic interest. It is based on economic interest, it is based on the need to have energy sources at a reasonable cost, but it is more than that, it is sharing the acceptance of the rules-based society, and a rules-based international order.

That combined us against other approaches, which are clearly imperialistic, in the 19th or 18th-century sense of the word, and which have nothing to do with the 21st century, but it is easier said than done for some countries to understand that this is not a way forward.

• But in parallel to this platform that you have established, the 6 countries, there is another platform, I think with Cyprus and Israel about electricity, is that correct?

- Of course. With Cyprus, I am stating the obvious, with Israel, again, we have a very close relation. We started from a very low point. Greece was the last country probably in Europe that recognized the State of Israel in 1990.

But I have to say, we have worked very hard with our Israeli friends to arrive to a common understanding on the region, and I have to say that even the Israelis share our opinion that the stability of Egypt as a country is of cardinal importance for the stability and the prosperity of the region.

And of course, we cooperate with Israel in many fields, energy being one of them.

• I was wondering why we have two platforms, one for gas, another for electricity, and why Egypt is not part of this electricity platform.

- Well, it is not in my capacity to answer this, there is another Ministry that deals with that, but if I may be allowed to say so, in energy, I think all of us will come to a common understanding, and sharing our common vision for the future. It is something that will happen, and I have to say, sooner rather than later.

• A follow-up question on the relation with Turkey. I think the Prime Minister of Greece has met the President of Turkey in June, and I keep hearing some words that the 20th of July is the time when we will see where the relation between Ankara and Athens is heading. Why?

- Okay, I will start first from the meeting of my Prime Minister, Prime Minister (Kyriakos) Mitsotakis with President (Recep Tayyip) Erdogan. The meeting went quite well. In the sense that on a personal level, it was a good meeting, the ice has melted, but yet again, we have to see if Turkey has really changed its ways.

And on the 20th of July, President Erdogan will visit the occupied part of Cyprus and for us, it is very important to hear what he is going to say and see what he is going to do.

Because, if the rhetoric in the occupied part of Cyprus is contrary to international law, is contrary to United Nations Security Council Resolutions, then the behavior of President Erdogan makes no sense at all.

• Which means you are against a two-state solution?

- It is not me or Greece or Cyprus, it is the International Law and the United Nations Security Council that are against any idea of a "two-state solution".

And allow me to say, there is no "two-state solution". There is a two-state proposal by the Turks which does not constitute the solution to the Cyprus problem.

The solution to the Cyprus problem is to unify the island. Everything else is not a solution; it is something contrary to international law.

• Greece, and you personally, are very interested in keeping ties with the whole region, I mean part of it. I think in April you have visited Saudi Arabia, and you have signed an agreement with your Saudi counterpart.

So, what is your vision of relations between Greece and Saudi Arabia?

- First of all, Saudi Arabia is a very important country. It is of huge importance for the Muslim world, and they are the custodians of the two most sacred places of the Muslim religion. They are one of the biggest energy producers in the world.

Having said that, the fact that they are one of the biggest energy producers makes them very important for the world economy, and if I may say so, even for the European economy, and for the Greek economy.

So, safety of the Saudi Kingdom is of the essence for us. That is why we have signed an agreement with them, which is why we have dispatched a Patriot missile battery to Saudi Arabia, which is a defensive weapon, it is not an offensive weapon; we have given weapons to Saudi Arabia to defend itself against unnamed aggressors, not to attack anybody.

And, also, generally, with the Muslim world, we share a common past. I said to the Secretary-General of the Arab League - and I am always repeating - that ancient Greek writers would not be as known to us today if not for the Arab world, who copied their books and gave them back to the Christian world.

So, we owe the Arab world a lot. And on a person to person, level, we are getting along very well, and that you know it already. And it is not only Saudi Arabia.

We have an excellent strategic relation with the UAE, we have a great relation with Kuwait, we have a great relation with Bahrain, and we have a very good relation with Jordan. We are establishing a very cordial relation with Iraq.

And with all these countries I am mentioning, I cannot name even one difference between us. So, based on the fact that we don’t have any differences, based on our common interests and our common vision of prosperity and stability in the region, we try to build a common future.

We are looking to India, we would like to bring India, the biggest democracy in the world, a growing economic power, into this context.

The Indian Foreign Minister, Dr. (Subrahmanyam) Jaishankar was in Athens just two weeks ago.

We are trying to build a bridge between India, the Arab world, and the European Union with Greece as the entry point.

• And, your Excellency, as you may know, the Saudis are very interested in the Yemen crisis. What is your vision regarding the best solution for the Yemen crisis?

- One thing is clear: unless there is a ceasefire there and as long as the Houthis continue trying to take over Maarib, the situation cannot continue like that.

First of all, we need to have a ceasefire, and having a ceasefire we will try to find a way out of this situation.

And if Greece can help in any way, we are there to help our friends. But that is as far as I can go. I cannot pretend that Greece has a very big institutional knowledge of Yemen as a country.

• Speaking about countries in crisis, one of them is Syria, and I am from Syria. In the last few weeks and months, as you may have heard, some Syrian officials, or some officials in Damascus, were saying that Greece has decided to reopen its embassy in Damascus.
What is your comment on that?

- First of all, Syria is our close neighbor. And a failed state in the Mediterranean is not in our interest.
Already there are huge migratory flows from Syria towards Europe and we are very sorry because, again with Syria we have historic relations, one of the Orthodox Patriarchates is in Syria, we are sorry to see Syria in such a state.

Having said that, it is not us who can forget and forgive the Assad regime. What we are doing is we recognize that there is a situation on the ground and the Greek Chargé d'affaires should be there to help normalize the situation on the ground, help the Greek citizens, and help the European citizens. But we are not accrediting our Chargé d'affaires to the Assad regime. On that, we have to consult with our European friends and partners, and the Council of the European Union will take a decision on how we will deal with the Assad regime. It is not us to decide alone.

• So, you have not already decided to reopen the Embassy and send an Ambassador to Damascus?

- No. We are having a Chargé d’Affaires in Damascus, not an Ambassador. It is a high-ranking and experienced personality because the situation on the ground needs experience, but he is not the Ambassador to the Assad regime.

• And how would the Embassy function?

- He is in Beirut now, trying to see how the Embassy could function.

• The EU Council on Foreign Relations decided, almost two to three years ago, the conditional re-engagement to the region. They said there is no contribution to the reconstruction unless there is “genuine” progress in the political process.

- You are right. We tried to combine these things. I am talking again to the UN Special Envoy for Syria Geir Pedersen very often, I see him in Geneva very often, and we have a good relation. I have offered him our good services in any way for the situation, but the decision in the European Union is just as you said.

We have to see steps from the Assad regime in order to provide funds for the reconstruction scheme. And I am very sorry that these steps are not there because, for example, we don’t accept the result of the elections, we don’t take them seriously; because the Syrian people really need our help and they need it urgently.

You know much better than I, 1/3 of the Syrian population is out of Syria. This is unacceptable. We live in the 21st century.

• What are the steps you are expecting from the regime in Damascus to engage or to normalize?

- Well, again, I am not bringing news to you saying that democratization, the full respect of human rights, and accountability for crimes of war is what the European Union would expect. These are the terms and the conditionality under which the European Union operates. The EU is a set of nations and it is also a set of values.

• Because it is a major story, that is very important for many Syrians. Allow me to understand. As of now, are you committed to EU conditions regarding normalization, and reconstruction?

- Let me again be frank. As things are in Syria right now, the obvious thing we would like for example is opening corridors in which we could provide humanitarian help.

As you know, there is only one open corridor from Turkey to Syria now, from which humanitarian help could be provided. We need more. If that happens, which is what we are waiting to see, then we are interested to see how the Assad regime sees the future. How it can present to the European Union with a sort of proof that it is willing to create a democratic future for the Syrian people, the ability of the Syrian people to express their opinions.

The Constitutional Committee is a great forum in which, if the Assad regime wishes, it could present some sort of steps. But I am not sure that we will see that happening.

• As you mentioned, the Russians and the Americans have reached an agreement at the UN Security Council to renew cross-border assistance.
What is your comment on this? Also, do you think that could be a start for the Americans and the Russians to work together, to reach a settlement?

- Well, it would be great if they could reach an understanding. An understanding between the Americans and the Russians would be a first step towards a better future for Syria. But let us see if that happens.

• I have a few more questions. One is about NATO. Greece and Turkey are NATO members. How do you describe the relations with NATO in terms of the complicated ties between the two countries?

-Well, both us and Turkey are among the oldest members of NATO. And I have to say we are proud of this membership. Yet, having said that, NATO sometimes keeps equal distances between the member states.

I would like NATO to remember more, that apart from an Alliance, it is not only an Alliance of countries, it is an Alliance based on certain values. And that would have made it necessary for NATO when one of its members is at fault, to say so clearly. It has not done that up to now.

It is understandable, again I am saying, because we are speaking about a member state. But yet again, NATO is an Alliance of values. And I have to say that we are doing a full revision on NATO’s future: the 2030 policy for NATO. It would be interesting to see how this element of NATO values is being described in that policy paper.

• In that regard, the Americans have decided already, I think, some time ago, to expand their naval military base in Alexandroupolis. So what is the meaning of this move, Mr. Dendias?

- The Greek-American relations, I have to say, are at an all times high, and the Americans in the last years have always said the right things when there is a Greek-Turkish crisis.

And I have to say, for example, I was extremely happy because 3 or 4 weeks ago, Secretary (Antony) Blinken openly came out and advised all the countries of the world to subscribe to the United Nations Convention of the Law of the Sea, the UNCLOS, taking into account that even the United States has not subscribed to UNCLOS up to now. So, for us, this is music to our ears, because that is what we believe.

So, I have to say the United States is a very positive force in our region, and especially in the Aegean and in the context of the Greek-Turkish relations. And I would be happy if there is more American presence in Greece, more American presence in the region. I consider that as absolutely positive.

We are negotiating a new defense agreement with the United States. I hope we will be able to conclude these negotiations by the autumn of 2021 and sign this new agreement before the end of this year, but that remains to be seen. All negotiations are rather complex, but that is our aspiration.

And I have to say, I am quite positive about the role the United States has played in our region.

• This is the last one. Is this related to the Incirlik military base, in south of Turkey? Does that mean for Turkey, the US is trying to expand its relationship with Greece at the expense of…?

- I do not see our relationship with the United States as something that is opposing Turkey in any way. Again, as I told you, I would wish Turkey to normalize its behavior, to aspire to become a modern, western-values country, a democratic country, a partner of the community of democratic, law-abiding states.

So, our liaison with the United States has a value per se for us. Having said that, what the Americans do with their Turkish friends is none of our business.

• Great, I know, I took much of your time.

- Not at all, it was a great pleasure. I hope to see you in person sometime. Thank you so much.

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Interviews

Iraq PM to Asharq Al-Awsat: Corruption Crackdown Is Irreversible, Arms Must Be Under State Control

Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi during his interview with Asharq Al-Awsat Editor-in-Chief in Baghdad on Sunday
Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi during his interview with Asharq Al-Awsat Editor-in-Chief in Baghdad on Sunday
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Iraq PM to Asharq Al-Awsat: Corruption Crackdown Is Irreversible, Arms Must Be Under State Control

Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi during his interview with Asharq Al-Awsat Editor-in-Chief in Baghdad on Sunday
Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi during his interview with Asharq Al-Awsat Editor-in-Chief in Baghdad on Sunday

Journalists live for the unexpected, especially in Iraq, where events can overtake a carefully planned interview before it even begins.

I had requested a meeting with Iraq’s new prime minister, Ali al-Zaidi, who emerged after a prolonged political contest involving two of his predecessors, Nouri al-Maliki and Mohammed Shia al-Sudani. The interview was scheduled for June 28th, so I arrived in Baghdad the day before. As it turned out, the timing could not have been better.

When al-Zaidi took office, I wondered whether he had made the biggest mistake of his life. He had built a successful career in finance and business and amassed considerable personal wealth. Why abandon that world for the unforgiving arena of Iraqi politics, and for a job in which success has often proved elusive?

From his first day in office, he appeared to be confronting two of Iraq’s most dangerous challenges: entrenched corruption, which has drained the country’s wealth, and armed groups operating beyond state control, which have exacted a heavy price on Iraq’s economy, reputation and regional and international relations.

I woke early in the Green Zone to messages saying that armored vehicles had sealed off the area overnight and restricted access. At first, I assumed it was a routine security incident. It soon became clear that something far more significant was under way.

Acting on judicial warrants, security forces raided the homes of figures who had long believed themselves beyond reach. Within hours, influential politicians, lawmakers and provincial officials had been detained for questioning over allegedly stolen public funds. The operation extended beyond Baghdad to other provinces and remained ongoing.

Al-Zaidi launched his tenure by giving up his salary and official allowances, declaring that he would accept no gifts, “not even a necktie.” In Baghdad, there was widespread talk that a man accused of offering him $200 million to draw him into a corruption network was now himself under investigation.

Al-Zaidi speaks in firm, unambiguous terms. He says there will be no protection for the corrupt and “no retreat from the decision to fight corruption or from the decision to bring all weapons under state control. Both will be enforced through the law.”

He also rejects foreign dictates and tutelage, insisting that Iraq will not submit to pressure from any side. When I joked that those with money seek power and those with power seek money, he replied that he was already financially secure. He said he would neither contest the next parliamentary elections nor seek a second term as prime minister.
 

Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi during an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat Editor-in-Chief in Baghdad on Sunday

The fatigue was visible in his eyes when we met. He said he had not slept for 24 hours, having followed what Baghdad residents were calling “the night the big fish were caught.”

A visit by Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi shortened the time available for al-Zaidi’s first interview with an Arab media outlet, leaving some questions unasked.

The following is the full interview:

Is the fight against corruption an irreversible decision?

Yes. It is an irreversible decision, and it is not optional. Corruption now threatens the very existence of the Iraqi state.

Certain elements adopted the notion of entering the body of the Iraqi state for the purpose of theft rather than public service. There is no longer any place for such people.

Between 1980 and 2003, Iraq’s wealth was devoted to sustaining wars, followed by the years of sanctions. Iraqis were therefore unable to enjoy their country’s wealth for 23 years.

From 2003 until the current year, 2026, another 23 years have passed. You are well aware of what happened in Iraq during this latter period.

A deviant system of thought emerged, centered on competing to loot and steal. We are in the process of ending this system, writing a new page for Iraq and closing that chapter.

Does this mean that you have decided to close the chapter on corruption?

Yes. There will be no place for corruption and no place for arms outside the state.

At the end of this year, we will announce a “National Sovereignty Conference” that will enshrine the exclusive possession of force by the state and its institutions.

No party will be permitted to carry weapons outside the framework of the state, and Iraqis will finally enjoy their country’s wealth.

We face two paths. We can either accommodate the interests of certain individuals and lose the approval of God Almighty and of the people, or we can remove those individuals.

Today, we will instruct the minister of finance to open a special account to recover Iraq’s funds from those involved in corruption. They must return the money.

Those who refuse to return it will face a different response from us. We will pursue settlements with those who return corruption proceeds, while safeguarding the rights of the Iraqi people in accordance with the law. The proceedings will remain confidential.

I have made this intention sincerely before God. We carry a debt toward Iraq.

What is that debt?

This country, Iraq, has bestowed its blessings and wealth upon us. How could we have become what we are without Iraq?

It is now our duty to repay that debt.

That is why I announced that I would not receive a salary and would not accept a gift, even if it were a necktie. My hand will not touch public money.

Should I act otherwise, I hope I receive what I deserve. I imposed this pledge upon myself to prevent any possibility of change. The highest limit of my ambition is to earn God’s approval and bring happiness to Iraqis.

Will you continue the anti-corruption campaign, regardless of the cost?

I regard death as a meeting with God Almighty, and it is the least we can offer Iraq.

I have announced that I will not run for another term and will not establish a political party.

I am determined, however, that the whole world should come away with an image of Iraq as a true source of leaders and that Iraqis are capable of governing this ancient country.

I will not permit dictates from beyond Iraq’s borders, whether from the East or the West. Iraq’s decision belongs to its people and is expressed by parliament, and the government must implement that decision.

So your slogan is “Iraq first.” No major powers and no regional powers?

Absolutely. Iraq comes first. Nothing comes before Iraq for us.

The interests of Iraqis are my top priority. It is in our people’s interest to build distinguished relations with the international community, neighboring countries, and the Arab Gulf states. Iraq is a state, not a village.
 

Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi during the parliamentary vote on his government in the Iraqi Parliament (Government Media)

Prime Minister, during the recent war with Iran, Iraq’s relations with the Gulf Cooperation Council states became strained because some attacks on Gulf targets were launched from Iraqi territory...

Specialized committees were formed to verify this matter. We are also awaiting evidence from the relevant authorities in the Gulf states, and we will act accordingly.

We ordered an investigation and instructed all security commanders to confront any attempt to use Iraqi territory to attack neighboring countries.

I urge, however, that the present not be judged through the lens of the past. We found this situation already in place when we assumed responsibility.

You have plans to visit Washington in the middle of next month. There will certainly be other visits as well...

We have received numerous invitations to visit brotherly and friendly countries, including France, Britain, and Germany.

The visits that will take priority because of the importance of joint work will be to the Republic of Türkiye, the Islamic Republic of Iran, and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, following the visit to Washington.

What do you expect from the Washington visit? Are we exaggerating if we say that Iraq is passing through a suffocating financial crisis?

That description is inaccurate. State employees’ salaries are secured and are being paid regularly. We are extremely keen to ensure that.

When our government took office, total debt stood at around 208 trillion Iraqi dinars. The budget depends on oil for 93 percent of its revenues, while non-oil revenues account for 7 percent.

My view of the Iraqi economy is that it is witnessing a struggle between two different spheres: an old economy that refuses to die and a modern economy whose birth is proving difficult.

Our economic philosophy is to move forcefully toward a market economy and free ourselves from the old economic model. That is the theoretical aspect.

In practical terms, however, we face a large body of conflicting legislation. We have old resolutions dating back to the dissolved Revolutionary Command Council that were drafted according to a socialist mentality that is no longer effective.

The Iraqi constitution, by contrast, is founded on economic freedom.

We have launched a major effort to change inherited legislation. The cabinet will complete this work in the coming days and send it to parliament.

We are also moving ahead with the establishment of an Energy and Development Fund, to which the Central Bank of Iraq will contribute. It will be offered for public subscription.

We will invite Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar to participate in the fund. We will also invite US and European funds and banks.

The fund will focus on development, industry, agriculture and all the sectors needed by our people.

How did your government manage public finances during the crisis caused by the closure of the Strait of Hormuz? Did you rely on borrowing from the Central Bank and drawing down reserves?

We discounted bills of exchange and borrowed from commercial banks and the Central Bank of Iraq.

Iraq’s position toward OPEC has generated considerable controversy. It is clear that Iraq wants a larger production quota. How do you balance increasing production with preserving oil prices?

I would like to address those concerned at OPEC.

Iraq entered a war in 1980. After eight years, it emerged with debts exceeding $100 billion.

It later became involved in the occupation of Kuwait and emerged with debts exceeding $200 billion.

After 2003, terrorism took root on our territory, and we suffered from instability.

Iraqis then fought the terrorist organization ISIS, not only in defense of Iraq but on behalf of the entire region.

Had ISIS managed to seize Iraq, the national security of neighboring countries and the wider region would have been threatened.

That war caused nearly $400 billion in infrastructure losses. To this day, thousands of Iraqis have not returned to their home areas and destroyed houses. This reality must be taken into consideration.

Iraq’s population has also reached 47 million, while our quota stands at 3.4 million barrels per day.

These facts must be incorporated into the criteria used to determine and distribute OPEC quotas.

We are therefore seeking a fair mechanism of distribution that does not prejudice the rights of Iraq and the Iraqi people.

Some forecasts suggested that Iraq might enter a borrowing program with the International Monetary Fund or the World Bank. Is that possibility still under consideration?

With the resumption of navigation and exports through the Gulf and the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz, those financial options have been abandoned. There is no longer any need for them.

Washington withheld shipments of physical dollars to Iraq for certain reasons. Do you expect this problem to be resolved with the US president?

They were precautionary measures and were not intended as leverage in return for specific demands.

There were concerns regarding physical cash. We explained to the US side the mechanisms and channels through which these funds move.

The issue has been resolved, and the cash shipments have arrived.
 

Members of the Saraya al-Salam cheer during a ceremony marking the start of the process of handing over their weapons to Iraqi state forces in Samarra, north of Baghdad, Iraq, Thursday, June 4, 2026. (AP Photo/Anmar Khalil)

Has the government negotiated with factions that reject confining arms to the state? What if their rejection becomes final after the withdrawal? Would the government be forced to confront them?

Let us state this clearly: there is no force other than the force of the state, and we will use the force of law to impose it.

There will be no weapons other than the weapons of the state.

Some view the plan to confine arms to the state as little more than a symbolic measure adopted to accommodate political forces.

If we listen to the skeptics, we will never reach a result.

As for the factions, they are ideologically driven groups. We believe that their publicly declared acceptance of giving up their weapons is an important and significant beginning.

In reality, we have received various types of weapons from Saraya al-Salam, Asaib Ahl al-Haq and Kataib Imam Ali.

More important than the handover of weapons, however, is severing the relationship between a faction and the fighters under its command.

The weapons of these factions are now effectively in the custody of the state. Only a small quantity remains.

A mechanism will soon begin for handing over the remaining weapons to the armed forces.

This file will be addressed in its entirety. Nothing is stronger than the state.

We believe that resistance is a necessity, not a profession, and the need for it has ended.

We will not accept the existence of a state within the state.
 

Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi during his meeting with US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad on June 16, 2026 (Government Media)

What did US envoy Tom Barrack ask of you?

He made no demands.

We discussed the suspension of operations by some US companies because of bureaucratic obstacles, and we facilitated the procedures needed by those companies.

Do you believe that the United States is genuinely prepared to support your government’s plans?

I have spoken by telephone with President Donald Trump once.

Yes, we sensed a willingness to provide support. Naturally, we place Iraq’s interests first in every step we take.

Some have accepted concessions because they had financial objectives. That is not the case with us.

Prime Minister, have the political forces pledged to facilitate your mission?

Yes, certainly.

I had previously been offered the premiership twice and turned it down on both occasions.

Is there a person who had a particular influence on you?

Yes. I was deeply influenced by my late father, who always took me with him.

He detested injustice and warned me against angering the Lord, who does not accept injustice against His servants.

How would you describe your relations with Syria and President al-Sharaa?

They are moving toward becoming good relations.

The foreign minister will visit them soon, and President al-Sharaa called to congratulate me.

We are moving toward greater economic openness and cooperation for the benefit of our two brotherly peoples.
 

Interviews

Turkish Transport Minister to Asharq Al-Awsat: Costs and Financing of Türkiye- Saudi Arabia Rail Corridor to Be Finalized by Year-end

Turkish Transport and Infrastructure Minister Abdulkadir Uraloglu. (Ministry)
Turkish Transport and Infrastructure Minister Abdulkadir Uraloglu. (Ministry)
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Turkish Transport Minister to Asharq Al-Awsat: Costs and Financing of Türkiye- Saudi Arabia Rail Corridor to Be Finalized by Year-end

Turkish Transport and Infrastructure Minister Abdulkadir Uraloglu. (Ministry)
Turkish Transport and Infrastructure Minister Abdulkadir Uraloglu. (Ministry)

Türkiye aims to finalize costs, investment needs and financing arrangements for a strategic rail corridor linking Saudi Arabia and Türkiye by the end of 2026, Turkish Transport and Infrastructure Minister Abdulkadir Uraloglu said.

Uraloglu told Asharq Al-Awsat that technical teams were completing detailed studies for the project, which he said had strong backing from Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

He said Türkiye had reached understandings with Jordan and Syria to rehabilitate about 400 km (250 miles) of damaged rail infrastructure and position the route as a secure alternative for Gulf and global supply chains amid tensions around the Strait of Hormuz.

The minister said the corridor could become a new trade link between the Gulf and Europe, supporting regional connectivity and integrating with broader transport networks. Saudi Arabia and Türkiye signed memorandums of understanding on railways and logistics earlier this month.

Facilitating border crossings and passport procedures

On the passport and border-crossing procedures between the two countries, the Minister said: “At this stage, our priority agenda is the establishment of physical infrastructure and the completion of missing links. However, since we are also considering this line in the long term not only for freight transport but also for passenger transport, border-crossing processes are also important.

"Our objective is to establish a safe, fast and effective system. In this regard, we have introduced certain new arrangements. We extended the duration of driver visas from 15 days to 1 year. We also ensured that the required documents were rearranged in a way that allows faster procedures. Therefore, we are rapidly carrying out improvements in passport and border crossings.”

Uraloglu said the project's final implementation model and participating companies would be determined once the ongoing technical studies are completed. He said Türkiye has some of the world's strongest engineering and construction capabilities in the transport sector and, if the project proceeds as planned, Turkish firms are expected to play a leading role in the transcontinental corridor.

The Jordan-Saudi Arabia and Syria-Türkiye Railways

On the Jordan-Saudi Arabia and Syria-Türkiye sections of the proposed rail corridor, Uraloglu said: “We are currently in the period during which technical studies are being carried out most intensively. Our technical teams continue their examinations. It is being determined in which sections renewal will be carried out, which parts will be rebuilt and how much investment will be needed.

“Our primary objective is to clarify the needs along the route and the works that need to be carried out. If we can advance the process as planned, a more concrete framework regarding costs, investment needs and the financing dimension will have emerged by the end of the year. Afterwards, we will work together with the countries concerned on the investment program and implementation plan.”

On the projected financing size of the project he said: “At this stage, it is too early to announce a definite cost figure. First, we need to determine precisely the investments that need to be made. Once the technical studies are completed, a clearer financial picture will emerge”.

Leadership will and flexible financing alternatives

The Minister stressed that “the most important element here, even before financing, is political will. Our President, H.E. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and His Royal Highness Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman have demonstrated a strong will to realize this project. For us, this is the most valuable element.

"Because once political will and a common vision are put forward, financing models can also be developed. Public resources, international financial institutions, different investment models and joint financing options can be considered.

"Therefore, our priority is to complete the technical studies and put forward a clear project. Afterwards, the financing model will be shaped as a result of assessments to be made among the countries concerned”.

Transport is a strategic security factor

In his geopolitical assessment, the Turkish minister said the pandemic, regional conflicts and global crises of recent years had underscored a clear and unambiguous reality, “transport corridors are not only economic instruments, but also strategic security elements. Connectivity has therefore become central to cooperation between countries.”

He noted that the sustainability of global trade, energy supply security and supply chains depends on strong transport networks.

He added: “With its strategic location at the crossroads of Europe, Asia and Africa, Türkiye stands at the center of regional and global trade networks. Saudi Arabia, for its part, stands out as one of the most important economic powers in the Gulf region. Therefore, cooperation between the two countries in the field of transport will not only strengthen relations between Ankara and Riyadh; it will also contribute to the trade and logistics structure of a wide geography extending from the Gulf to Europe and from the Mediterranean to the Black Sea.

“Relations between Türkiye and Saudi Arabia have gained significant momentum in recent years. The strong will demonstrated by our President, H.E. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, His Majesty King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud and His Royal Highness Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has placed cooperation between the two countries on a much broader and more strategic footing. At the point we have reached today, we see that a common vision has emerged not only in trade and investment, but also in areas that will shape the future, such as transport, logistics, energy and connectivity.”

Beyond the rails: A technological and digital partnership

The Minister added: “In this context, we see significant opportunities particularly in the railway sector. With the Memoranda of Understanding we signed in Riyadh, we established a common basis for cooperation in many areas, including cooperation in the railway sector, the development of logistics services, transport technologies, digitalization, maintenance and operation processes, safety and security practices, and training activities.

“We are planning not only for today's needs, but also for the transport systems of the future. For this reason, we are working on new railway connections that will link the Gulf region to Europe via Türkiye. We are carrying out technical studies on a route that will start from Saudi Arabia, reach Türkiye via Jordan and Syria, and from there be integrated into the European railway network. Once this line is realized, it will be possible to transport cargo from the Gulf region to Europe more rapidly, more safely and more sustainably.

“The Memoranda of Understanding we signed in Riyadh actually cover not only technical cooperation regarding a railway line, but also a much broader perspective. Railway technologies, logistics services, digitalization, maintenance and operation processes, safety and security practices, training activities and technical knowledge sharing are among the many areas included within the scope of this cooperation”.

Regional Agreement with Syria and Jordan

Regarding the nature of the understanding with the Syrian and Jordanian sides on the railway connection, the Minister told Asharq Al-Awsat: “By its nature, this project is a regional connectivity project that concerns not only Türkiye and Saudi Arabia, but also the other countries located along the route. Our objective is to establish an uninterrupted railway corridor starting from the Gulf region and extending to Türkiye via Jordan and Syria, and from there to Europe. In this context, we have reached an understanding with both Syria and Jordan on the development of the corridor.

“Today, there is significant railway infrastructure on the Saudi Arabian side extending as far as the Jordanian border. On the Turkish side, our railway network reaches the Gaziantep, Kilis and İslahiye region. Therefore, one of the focal points of the project is the condition of the connections in the Syrian and Jordanian sections.

“The assessments conducted indicate that renewal, rehabilitation and new investments are needed in an approximately 400-kilometer section in Syria and Jordan. In some sections, improvement of the existing lines will be sufficient, while in some other sections new infrastructure investments will need to be implemented.

“For this reason, our priority is to clearly identify the current condition of the line, its needs and investment requirements. We aim to determine by the end of the year the works that need to be carried out, the costs and the applicable models.

“We see this project not only as a transport investment, but as a strategic initiative that will connect the countries of the region more strongly with one another. Syria and Jordan are also natural and important parts of this corridor. Once the corridor is completed, it will provide significant gains not only in terms of freight transport, but also in terms of trade, logistics and regional economic mobility”.

Geopolitical alternatives

According to Uraloglu, “Developments in recent years have shown us how fragile transport systems can be. We saw this during the pandemic. We saw it during regional conflicts. Most recently, developments in the Gulf region and tensions around the Strait of Hormuz once again revealed the same reality.

“With this understanding, Türkiye has been developing major projects in recent years to strengthen international connectivity. While the Middle Corridor offers a reliable and effective alternative for trade flows extending from China to Europe, the Development Road Project aims to create a new logistics backbone that will connect the Arabian Gulf to Europe via Türkiye.

“We see the Saudi Arabia-Türkiye Railway Project as one of the complementary elements of this major vision. Starting from the Gulf region and extending to Europe via Jordan, Syria and Türkiye, this line will support existing transport networks and further strengthen regional connectivity.

“This project is not only a regional initiative. When considered together with the Middle Corridor, the Development Road and other transport networks, it has the potential to affect the trade structure of a wide geography extending from Europe to the Gulf and from the Middle East to Asia. Our aim is to contribute to making global trade safer, more uninterrupted and more resilient by creating corridors that are not alternatives to one another, but complementary to one another”.

The Turkish minister went on, highlighting his country’s readiness: “Thanks to Marmaray, the Baku-Tbilisi-Kars Railway Line and other strategic investments we have implemented in recent years, we have established a strong railway connection between Asia and Europe. In addition, our investments such as the railway line that will pass over the Yavuz Sultan Selim Bridge and the Halkalı-Kapıkule High-Speed Railway Project, which is under construction, will further strengthen Türkiye's railway integration with Europe.

“On the one hand, construction of more than 4,000 kilometers of high-speed railway lines is continuing in our country; on the other hand, we are increasing the capacity of our railway corridors extending to Europe. In this way, Türkiye is becoming a much stronger hub in railway transport between Asia and Europe”.

Dimensions of integration and Europe’s gains

On expanding the network, Uraloglu said the project is taking shape in its first phase between Saudi Arabia, Türkiye, Jordan and Syria, but bilateral talks and discussions have included the possibility of extending the line in future phases to incorporate other Gulf states such as Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait and Oman.

He stressed that the real added value of the corridor lies in its exceptional ability to connect directly to Europe’s unified railway network via Türkiye.

Regarding the geoeconomic returns for the European side, Uraloglu said Europe’s main gain lies in establishing a more direct and secure logistical and commercial link with the Gulf region, particularly as Gulf Cooperation Council states are among the most important strategic partners for the European continent in the energy, petrochemicals and diversified industrial goods sectors, in addition to the scale of major mutual investments between the two sides, making bilateral trade flows more regular and more predictable.

In addition, Europe has in recent years been seeking to make its supply chains shorter, safer and more diversified. This corridor that we are trying to develop may also be considered a new route that increases Europe's connectivity options. The issue here is not only cost; it is speed, predictability and accessibility”.

In conclusion, he told Asharq Al-Awsat that the project’s real impact on logistics costs will only be clear once the final technical design and expected traffic volumes are known. However, he expressed confidence that the project will deliver major economic and development benefits for both the region and Europe, strengthening trade, investment, and regional economic integration over the long term.

 

Interviews

Safer CEO: Company Ready to Resume LNG Exports

Safer’s CEO said the company is ready to resume liquefied natural gas exports (Asharq Al-Awsat). 
Safer’s CEO said the company is ready to resume liquefied natural gas exports (Asharq Al-Awsat). 
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Safer CEO: Company Ready to Resume LNG Exports

Safer’s CEO said the company is ready to resume liquefied natural gas exports (Asharq Al-Awsat). 
Safer’s CEO said the company is ready to resume liquefied natural gas exports (Asharq Al-Awsat). 

As Yemen’s energy sector continues to grapple with the effects of war and a steep decline in foreign investment, Safer Exploration & Production Operations Company — the country’s largest oil and gas producer — has unveiled plans to expand the use of its hydrocarbon resources.

These plans include introducing compressed natural gas as a fuel for vehicles and households and studying the development of potential shale oil reserves.

In an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, Safer Chief Executive Officer Salem Kaiti said the company is technically prepared to resume production and exports of liquefied natural gas (LNG) whenever the government authorizes the move and security and political conditions permit.

He added that any restart would be gradual and would follow the rehabilitation and maintenance of selected wells and facilities.

According to Kaiti, Safer currently produces about 15,000 barrels of oil per day and 1.6 trillion cubic feet of natural gas, down from approximately 32,000 barrels per day and 2.2 trillion cubic feet before the war.

He attributed the decline to the suspension of development, drilling, and exploration activities, as well as the departure of several foreign companies from Yemen’s energy sector.

The executive also revealed that Safer is studying a strategic project to develop compressed natural gas (CNG) based on methane gas as a lower-cost alternative to transportation fuels and household cooking gas.

Yemen possesses substantial methane reserves, he said, but the project would require significant investment in infrastructure, transportation networks, and distribution stations.

In addition, Safer is examining opportunities in unconventional oil resources, including shale oil. Preliminary studies conducted by oilfield services company Schlumberger indicated promising signs of significant reserves, according to Kaiti.

However, confirming those estimates and developing the resource commercially would require advanced technologies and partnerships with specialized international companies.

Kaiti also expressed interest in building future cooperation with Saudi Aramco⁠, particularly in training, workforce development, and benefiting from the company’s expertise across the energy sector.

Maintaining Operations During Wartime

Kaiti stressed that Safer has operated under extraordinary conditions throughout years of conflict and economic instability. Despite security and financial challenges, the company’s workforce has managed to keep critical facilities in the oil-producing governorate of Marib running and prevent significant deterioration.

Operations have been strained by prolonged interruptions to exports, aging infrastructure, and the withdrawal of many foreign service companies. Nevertheless, Safer continued maintenance programs for wells and production facilities, preserved output levels, and maintained supplies of petroleum products and cooking gas to the domestic market.

Among the company’s most significant achievements, Kaiti cited the relocation of Safer’s headquarters and financial center from areas controlled by the Houthis to Marib in early 2017.

The company also resumed oil exports in October 2019 through truck transport to facilities operated by YCOM, with shipments eventually reaching the Port of Nushaymah on the Arabian Sea. Between 2019 and 2022, total exports reached approximately 8.6 million barrels.

Safer also succeeded in returning 17 inactive wells to production. Between 2023 and 2025, those efforts generated cumulative output of 554,000 barrels of oil and 52 billion cubic feet of gas.

In December 2024, the company restarted production from the Al-Wahda-2 well using electric submersible pump technology, which Kaiti described as the first step toward wider deployment of the technology across other wells.

The company resumed well-maintenance operations in May 2018 after a three-year halt. According to Kaiti, some wells faced serious technical risks that could have resulted in accidents or gas leaks, but engineering teams successfully addressed the problems.

Other accomplishments include launching production of improved gasoline for the local market, constructing a 55,000-barrel crude oil storage tank at the central processing facility, paving a 40-kilometer road linking Safer and Al-Ruwaik, and supporting development projects in education and healthcare across Marib.

War-Driven Production Decline

Before the conflict, Safer’s production stood at approximately 32,000 barrels of oil per day and 2.2 trillion cubic feet of natural gas. Today, those figures have fallen to around 15,000 barrels per day and 1.6 trillion cubic feet, respectively.

Kaiti attributed the decline to the natural depletion of mature fields, the suspension of field-development programs, halted drilling and exploration activities, weak maintenance programs, and the departure of foreign companies because of the war.

Given current conditions, he said the company’s priority is to stabilize production and prevent further declines until circumstances allow larger development projects to resume.

Workforce and Economic Role

Kaiti described Safer as one of the pillars of Yemen’s economy, citing its role in supplying domestic markets with cooking gas, gasoline, and diesel, while contributing to government revenues and employment.

The company also provides fuel for power stations, helping maintain electricity supplies in Marib and other governorates. Approximately 99 percent of Safer’s workforce is Yemeni, with the company employing around 1,000 people, in addition to hundreds of workers employed by contractors from across the country.

Future Projects: Shale Oil and CNG

Looking ahead, Safer has developed both short- and long-term exploration and development plans aimed at increasing and sustaining production and identifying new reserves. Their implementation, however, remains dependent on security and financial conditions.

Planned initiatives include drilling new development and exploration wells, launching projects to produce and process heavy crude oil and asphalt, and expanding the use of gas-lift systems and electric submersible pumps.

The company is also studying projects to process hydrogen sulfide gas in several fields and install specialized equipment to improve the quality of oil and gas production.

Kaiti emphasized that developing shale oil resources would require partnerships with international firms possessing advanced technology and expertise, given the high costs and technical complexity involved.

LNG Exports Could Resume Gradually

On the prospect of restarting LNG exports, Kaiti said Safer has preserved upstream facilities throughout the war and remains technically ready to resume production and exports once political and security conditions improve and the government gives its approval.

Any restart would be gradual, he noted, because some wells and facilities require maintenance and rehabilitation after years of inactivity. Extended shutdowns have affected portions of the company’s equipment and surface installations.

Kaiti also voiced hope that foreign companies that left Yemen during the conflict would eventually return. While some have already resumed activities through Yemeni staff, others continue to monitor the security situation before deciding whether to re-enter the market.