Lebanon’s Tammam Salam Recalls Premiership Difficulties: Aoun’s Party Acted Like Political Militia

A Lebanese cabinet meeting chaired by Prime Minister Tammam Salam in 2015. (Photo: Dalati & Nohra)
A Lebanese cabinet meeting chaired by Prime Minister Tammam Salam in 2015. (Photo: Dalati & Nohra)
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Lebanon’s Tammam Salam Recalls Premiership Difficulties: Aoun’s Party Acted Like Political Militia

A Lebanese cabinet meeting chaired by Prime Minister Tammam Salam in 2015. (Photo: Dalati & Nohra)
A Lebanese cabinet meeting chaired by Prime Minister Tammam Salam in 2015. (Photo: Dalati & Nohra)

A new book by Journalist Abdul-Sattar Ellaz, to be published soon by Dar Riyad Al-Rayes for Books and Publishing, recounts the details of the difficult period during which Tammam Salam assumed the premiership of the Lebanese government - the last under the tenure of President Michel Suleiman and which continued during the presidential vacuum that lasted two and a half years before the election of President Michel Aoun.

The book narrates the main obstacles that Salam faced during his tenure, during which he spent more than ten months seeking to form a government of “national interest,” and two years and ten months leading a government that assumed the responsibilities of the presidency with the failure to elect a new president.

Asharq Al-Awsat publishes excerpts from one of the book’s chapters entitled, “When We Make Our Brothers Enemies”, which touched on the difficulties that Salam’s government faced in the relations with Arab countries, due to Hezbollah’s role and its interference in the internal affairs of Gulf states, in addition to the positions of then-Foreign Minister Gebran Bassil, which were biased towards Iran.

Salam talks to journalist Ellaz about the difficulties he faced due to these interventions, and the negative role played by Hezbollah and the Free Patriotic Movement.

He says: “I am from a school that considers politics to be a noble act that has its moral obligations, such as integrity, transparency, and clean hands that must precede other requirements related to knowledge, experience, and administrative competence. I believe that the maneuvers, alliances, and deceptions that political action may involve must stop when they reach the level of harming the higher national interest.”

He continues: “Despite my knowledge of the corridors of Lebanese politics, which I accumulated over the years of experience in public work, I was shocked by the performance of these forces that surpassed all national ceilings and proscriptions for the sake of partisan interests.”

Asked by the journalist about more details, Salam says: “The Aounists in particular crossed all boundaries and used all means to reach their political goal that is General Michel Aoun assuming the presidency; even if this led to obstructing the state affairs at the expense of the citizens’ interests.”

The former premier went on to say: “They acted like a political militia, blocking the government’s path whenever they wanted, and freezing its work on various pretexts ... They hijacked the parliament and paralyzed its work…. In their battle, they used a rhetoric of sedition and all means of sectarian incitement.”

Salam stresses that had it not been for Hezbollah’s support to Aoun’s Free Patriotic Movement (FPM), the latter would not have been able to persist in the policy of obstruction.

“Of course, Hezbollah is also responsible… Here, I am not talking about his ministers, who were of tact and good performance, but about the general policy that the party followed with its ally in order to bring Michel Aoun to the presidency and the costs incurred by the country,” the former premier recounts.

He adds: “We must not forget that among these costs is the rupture in relations with the Arab world, which was caused by the party’s stances on Gulf states and the unilateral positions adopted by Foreign Minister Gebran Bassil in Arab forums.”

Ellaz writes that when Salam formed his government in February 2014, no one believed that its members - who come from different factions that have been in rivalry for years - would be a team with a unified vision, working in perfect harmony to get the country out of its problems.

According to the writer, the state of isolation that Lebanon has reached was undoubtedly the result of the policies that a local political group – Hezbollah - has pursued over the years along with its interference in the internal affairs of Gulf states.

He says that Salam tried many times to defuse the tensions that resulted from this provocative policy towards the Arabs. He faced many difficulties, but always “bet on the love of the Gulf brothers for our country, and on the warmth of their feelings towards us.”

Hezbollah was not the only party that angered the Gulf. Then-Foreign Minister Gebran Bassil declared, in some Arab forums, positions that did not satisfy them.

The Crisis with Bahrain and The UAE

At a meeting held in Cairo on January 16, 2015, the Arab foreign ministers adopted a declaration submitted by Bahrain, which considered Hezbollah Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah’s statements as “clear incitement to violence and terrorism with the aim of destabilizing security and stability in the Kingdom of Bahrain and the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council.”

The foreign ministers called on the Lebanese government to “take the necessary and deterrent measures to ensure that such hateful statements are not repeated.”

Ellaz says that Lebanon was embarrassed at the meeting. Bassil announced his objection to the declaration, stressing at the same time that the official Lebanese position was not to interfere in the internal affairs of Arab countries.

The foreign minister added: “If we were given a choice between Lebanese national unity and Lebanon’s Arab relations that we are keen on and adhere to, we would definitely choose the first and not neglect the second.”

This did not please Gulf states, but rather increased their resentment.

Bahrain’s Foreign Minister, Khalid bin Muhammad Al Khalifa, said that the Lebanese delegation at the meeting “preferred to adhere to false national unity over Arab solidarity that saved it from war,” adding that Lebanon “is a great country ruled by honorable men and sheikhs such as Beshara El Khoury, Camille Chamoun, Saeb Salam and Rafik Hariri. But today, it is unfortunately controlled by a terrorist agent.”

Ellaz recounts that the Prime Minister feared that this crisis would lead to negative measures against Lebanese nationals in some Gulf countries. So he rushed to issue a balanced statement, in which he stressed that Lebanon’s official position on Arab and international issues is expressed by the government “and not by any single political party,” even if it was present in the coalition government.

The Kingdom of Bahrain did not take any action against the Lebanese, despite the discontent with Nasrallah’s words. Indeed, its foreign minister told Salam, whom he met on the sidelines of the Munich Security Conference in early February, that the Lebanese in Bahrain “live in their country and among their families, and nothing will harm them.”

The problem with Bahrain was resolved, but it exploded elsewhere, specifically in the United Arab Emirates. Information has begun to circulate about the intention of the Abu Dhabi authorities to deport a number of Lebanese nationals.

Salam seized the opportunity of his presence and the UAE Foreign Minister, Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed, in Munich to talk to him about this issue, and the outcome of the meeting was harsh for Lebanon.

Ellaz recounts that Sheikh Abdullah was very polite, but at the same time spoke in a decisive tone that reflected the amount of anger among the Gulf leaders at Hezbollah’s repeated verbal aggression against their countries and interference in their affairs.

When Salam asked him about an intention to deport Lebanese, he did not deny the plan, adding that the UAE authorities would not tolerate any resident who could pose a threat to national security.

Distancing Lebanon from its Arab Identity

It didn't take long for the “huge blast.” This time the crisis was provoked by Bassil when he instructed Lebanon’s ambassador to Saudi Arabia, Abdel Sattar Issa, to abstain from voting on a resolution at the Organization of Islamic Cooperation conference in Jeddah, denouncing Iran for the attacks on the Saudi embassy in Tehran and its consulate in Mashhad.

This Lebanese position angered Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states and provoked many local reactions that considered Lebanon to be distancing itself from its Arab identity and falling into the arms of Iran and its expansionist policy in the region.

As usual, the Prime Minister, who was participating in the Davos Economic Forum, rushed to prevent an escalation, and issued a statement, saying: “Saudi Arabia is right in its positions, and has a leading role in the Arab world to promote stability and improve regional conditions; while Iran has been interfering in the Arab world for many years and this is the origin of the conflict between them and the Kingdom.”



Displaced Hebron Residents Return Home to Scenes of Destruction after Israeli Operation

People inspect the damage on the roof of a house that was blown up by Israeli forces in the Deir Baha area of Hebron in the occupied West Bank, on November 2, 2026. (AFP)
People inspect the damage on the roof of a house that was blown up by Israeli forces in the Deir Baha area of Hebron in the occupied West Bank, on November 2, 2026. (AFP)
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Displaced Hebron Residents Return Home to Scenes of Destruction after Israeli Operation

People inspect the damage on the roof of a house that was blown up by Israeli forces in the Deir Baha area of Hebron in the occupied West Bank, on November 2, 2026. (AFP)
People inspect the damage on the roof of a house that was blown up by Israeli forces in the Deir Baha area of Hebron in the occupied West Bank, on November 2, 2026. (AFP)

Hijazi Shawer al-Tamimi, known as Abu al-Raed, had run out of the traditional sweets to hand out to his many grandchildren as they returned with their parents to the family’s large home in the Jalda area of Ain Deir Baha neighborhood in Hebron, in the occupied West Bank.

The 70-year-old neighborhood community elder, was celebrating their return after 11 days of forced displacement by the Israeli army.

At least 3,000 people, including more than 200 infants and 32 people with disabilities, were forced from their homes during an Israeli military operation launched in response to an attack by two Palestinian gunmen from Ain Deir Baha.

The attack, carried out at a checkpoint near Hebron less than two weeks earlier, killed two Israeli soldiers.

“We are here, and we will not leave. Our roots are here, like the roots of fig trees in the earth,” Tamimi declared after returning home.

But the joy of returning was quickly overshadowed by scenes of destruction and vandalism. Families who had barely begun celebrating were shocked by the damage to their homes and belongings.

Tamimi, who had been hospitalized a week earlier after Israeli soldiers assaulted him while preventing him from reaching his home, expressed defiance as he returned.

Like other families in the neighborhood, he was finally able to reach his house on Monday after Israeli forces, which had forcibly evicted residents, withdrew.

A children's bedroom, ransacked by Israeli forces during an operation is seen in the Deir Baha area of Hebron in the occupied West Bank, on November 2, 2026. (AFP)

Videos circulating on social media showed crowds celebrating, cars driving through the streets, young men handing out sweets, women weeping as they entered their homes and children playing in courtyards.

Yet, many residents were stunned by the extent of the damage.

Palestinians accused Israeli soldiers of vandalizing homes, shops and institutions, while others reported thefts. Accounts of looting circulated on social media.

Obaida Mujahid, who owns a photography studio, said his shop had been looted, with losses exceeding 100,000 shekels (about $32,000) after cameras and photographic equipment were stolen.

An unidentified woman accused soldiers of smashing and vandalizing her home. Another recounted how soldiers had destroyed all the items prepared for her daughter’s wedding.

Osama Shawer told the official Palestinian news agency that his sons returned to their apartments to find that Israeli forces had smashed most of their contents.

Children’s toys, perfumes, cash and the children’s savings banks had not been spared from damage and theft, he recounted. Doors had been broken and belongings scattered.

Muhannad al-Tamimi told AFP that his family returned to find their apartment wrecked, with furniture and clothes strewn across the floor, mattresses overturned and toys broken.

Many Palestinians posted images showing the damage and destruction left by soldiers inside their homes.

A Palestinian boy gestures from a car, with belongings on its roof, as people return to their homes after the Israeli military ended an operation, in Hebron in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, November 2,2026. (Reuters)

Israeli forces launched the operation in Hebron following a Palestinian attack on a checkpoint in the Farsh al-Hawa area on the city’s outskirts. The attack killed two Israeli soldiers and wounded three others.

During the operation, Israeli troops took control of parts of Hebron, demolished 15 homes and occupied others after expelling their residents, particularly in the Jalda and Deir Baha areas, where the attackers hailed from. The troops withdrew early Monday.

Hebron Governor Khaled Dudin announced that Israeli forces had withdrawn from the entire city, confirming that Palestinian security services had regained full control of the area.

Residents began returning after specialized Palestinian security teams conducted rapid inspections to check for possible explosive remnants.

Despite the declared end of the operation, however, Israeli forces had not left the entire area.

Israeli military sources told the country’s public broadcaster that the withdrawal from Palestinian neighborhoods in Hebron had been postponed until at least after next Saturday.

The delay was attributed to expectations that around 20,000 people would arrive in the city for a Jewish religious event known as Shabbat Chayei Sarah.

The Israeli military issued no formal statement announcing the end of the operation, although a military official confirmed it to journalists.

The official explained that troops had vacated homes in certain areas and were preparing to provide security for the religious event.


Where Things Stand on Iran after a Tense Weekend

An Iranian woman holds Iran's national flag on a street in Tehran on November 1, 2026. (AFP)
An Iranian woman holds Iran's national flag on a street in Tehran on November 1, 2026. (AFP)
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Where Things Stand on Iran after a Tense Weekend

An Iranian woman holds Iran's national flag on a street in Tehran on November 1, 2026. (AFP)
An Iranian woman holds Iran's national flag on a street in Tehran on November 1, 2026. (AFP)

The Middle East is braced for a possible return to all-out war. There are concerns that the United States, along with Israel, could strike Iran shortly after Tuesday’s midterm elections in the US.

Two Iranian officials said their delegation had left Qatar after days of discussions but that messages with the US continued to be exchanged through the mediator. The officials spoke on condition of anonymity due to the sensitivity of the talks, The Associated Press reported.

The diplomatic efforts seek to avert new attacks. Tehran has expanded its threats but said it is waiting for the latest US response to a proposal that would fully open the Strait of Hormuz to shipping within two days if Washington meets several conditions.

Here’s where things stand Monday.

Trump had a ‘very good’ call with Netanyahu

US President Donald Trump on Sunday evening told reporters he and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had a “very good” call on Saturday. He said they discussed Iran but gave no details.

Even before Netanyahu and his bloc of allies lost their majority in parliament in last week’s election, there were growing fears that Netanyahu was pushing for new strikes against Iran in an effort to stay in power in an emergency government during renewed war. Since last Tuesday’s election, the prime minister has publicly commented only on the vote.

There was no word from Netanyahu and his office on the latest call with Trump, who has continued to alternate between public comments about pursuing talks with Iran and threats to strike it hard.

Iran greatly expands threats while sticking with diplomacy

The Iranian Republic has stepped up its public messaging during the uncertainty, saying it is ready for both diplomacy and renewed fighting.

The new supreme leader, Mojtaba Khamenei, met with Iran’s military chiefs and said the response to “any kind and level of threat” from the US or Israel should be immediate and without “geographic limits,” and urged an expansion of the list of potential targets.

Khamenei still has not been seen publicly since the opening strikes by Israel and the US on Feb. 28 killed his father, the previous supreme leader.

Iran’s security chief, Mohsen Rezaei, warned on X that any attack would bring “devastating blows on the aggressor using new weapons.”

In an interview with state television, Rezaei said “the tone has completely changed” from the US and called it a “very good sign.” He gave no details about the letter he received from US Vice President JD Vance, which Iran acknowledged last week, and said he had not responded.

Rezaei also said there had been no decision to change Iran’s nuclear doctrine, but he noted that some Iranians had questioned whether that should change if Iran were attacked again. Tehran has insisted its nuclear program is peaceful.

Washington seeks to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon and wants to address the issue in any new talks. Iran wants to discuss the nuclear issue later.

Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, on a one-day visit to neighboring Turkmenistan on Monday, has said the final outcome depends on answers provided by the United States to the “Iranian questions.”


Fear of Renewed War Reshapes Housing Choices in Beirut’s Southern Suburbs

Displaced people fleeing Israeli strikes in southern Lebanon sit in traffic at a highway that links to Beirut, in the southern port city of Sidon. (AP)
Displaced people fleeing Israeli strikes in southern Lebanon sit in traffic at a highway that links to Beirut, in the southern port city of Sidon. (AP)
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Fear of Renewed War Reshapes Housing Choices in Beirut’s Southern Suburbs

Displaced people fleeing Israeli strikes in southern Lebanon sit in traffic at a highway that links to Beirut, in the southern port city of Sidon. (AP)
Displaced people fleeing Israeli strikes in southern Lebanon sit in traffic at a highway that links to Beirut, in the southern port city of Sidon. (AP)

Fear of another war is prompting residents of Beirut’s southern suburbs to relocate or rent homes elsewhere. Housing decisions are no longer driven solely by the possibility of destruction or evacuation warnings. The prospect of renewed fighting is increasingly influencing where people choose to live, how they plan their marriages and even where they intend to spend their retirement.

Testimonies gathered by Asharq Al-Awsat reveal how families are reorganizing their lives in search of safety. Some have left the southern suburb, known as Dahiyeh, altogether, while others remain in their homes but maintain alternative accommodation in case they need to flee.

From homeowners paying additional rent to newlyweds choosing larger apartments to shelter relatives, security concerns are increasingly outweighing financial and social considerations.

Marital home for two families

For newlywed Nadia Houri, choosing a marital home was anything but a conventional decision.

Having lived in Beirut’s southern suburbs before her marriage, she decided to move to Bchamoun, making the possibility of another war a central consideration.

“When I decided to get married, I wasn’t thinking only about the home where my husband and I would live, but also about somewhere my family and my husband’s family could seek shelter if another war broke out,” Houri told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Smoke rises from the site of an Israeli air strike that targeted the Haret Hreik neighborhood in Beirut's southern suburbs. (AFP)

“That’s why I chose Bchamoun. I made sure the building was safe and the apartment spacious enough to accommodate both families.”

She said the additional expense was preferable to being unable to help relatives forced to flee their homes.

“I would rather bear the extra cost than see my family or my husband’s family displaced with nowhere to go. I wanted to be prepared for any emergency.”

Trauma of bombardment drives residents away

Lana Shouaib, from the Mreijeh neighborhood in the southern suburbs, rented a small studio in Beirut’s Ashrafieh after becoming increasingly uneasy about returning home. Her parents, meanwhile, moved to their village in the eastern Bekaa Valley.

“The situation is worrying, and security fears aren’t the only reason we’re staying away from the southern suburbs,” Shouaib told Asharq Al-Awsat. “The area is still suffering from all the destruction and water problems. All these factors made me look for somewhere else.”

Her greatest concern, however, remains the possibility of renewed airstrikes, particularly after experiencing a nighttime attack. With no guarantees that war will not resume, she finds the prospect of returning increasingly difficult. Shouaib is now considering leaving the neighborhood permanently.

“When this situation ends and things return to normal, we’ll sell the house and look somewhere else,” she said, acknowledging how difficult it is to abandon a home into which someone has invested a lifetime of hard work.

Retirement at an additional cost

Khaireddine, who asked that his full name not be published, did not wait for his home in the Sainte-Therese neighborhood of Beirut’s southern suburbs to suffer damage before deciding to leave.

Although the property remained intact, he and his wife moved to Khaldeh in Mount Lebanon, where they rented a house for $600 a month, hoping to spend their retirement away from fear and the prospect of repeated displacement.

“My house wasn’t damaged, and we could have stayed there. But we’re tired of being afraid and of the possibility of having to flee again,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat. “We’ve reached an age when we want to rest and live peacefully, away from bombardment and anxiety about another war.”

Families displaced by Israeli strikes from southern Lebanon seek refuge at a school transformed into a shelter in Sidon. (AFP)

Their decision was also influenced by a desire to remain close to their children, who live in Khaldeh and the surrounding area.

Khaireddine acknowledged that paying $600 in monthly rent despite owning a habitable property placed an additional financial burden on the couple during retirement. But for him, the trade-off was worthwhile.

“Peace of mind has become more important to us,”he explained.

A summer chalet becomes an emergency refuge

Unlike those who have left, Abu Ali, a man in his 80s, still lives in his home in Beirut’s southern suburbs.

He has nevertheless taken a precautionary step, renting a chalet in Faraya on an annual lease in case another war erupts.

“I still live in the southern suburbs, and I don’t want to leave my home. But I’ve rented a chalet in Faraya for the whole year so I have somewhere to go if war resumes,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“I usually use it in the summer, but I decided to keep it in case of an emergency.”

Abu Ali explained that his advanced age had made him more determined to secure accommodation where he could relocate immediately if the security situation deteriorated, rather than search for shelter in the middle of a crisis.