In Iraq, Iran Faces Growing Backlash

A street vendor displays clothes next to graffiti with Arabic that reads, "Baghdad is free and Iran out," in Tahrir Square, Baghdad, Iraq, January 8, 2020. (AP)
A street vendor displays clothes next to graffiti with Arabic that reads, "Baghdad is free and Iran out," in Tahrir Square, Baghdad, Iraq, January 8, 2020. (AP)
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In Iraq, Iran Faces Growing Backlash

A street vendor displays clothes next to graffiti with Arabic that reads, "Baghdad is free and Iran out," in Tahrir Square, Baghdad, Iraq, January 8, 2020. (AP)
A street vendor displays clothes next to graffiti with Arabic that reads, "Baghdad is free and Iran out," in Tahrir Square, Baghdad, Iraq, January 8, 2020. (AP)

As Iraq heads to the polls on October 10, a spotlight has fallen on the outsized influence neighboring Iran wields -- but also on the growing popular backlash against it.

The parliamentary vote is being held early as a concession to a pro-democracy movement that railed against an Iraqi political system it decried as inept, corrupt and beholden to Iran.

“One of the more alarming things for Iran in Iraq right now is the huge sense of public dissatisfaction towards Iran,” said political scientist Marsin Alshamary.

“That’s one of the things Iran wasn’t expecting and something it has to grapple with,” said the Harvard Kennedy School researcher, according to AFP.

At the height of unprecedented protests in November 2019, furious demonstrators attacked and torched Iran’s consulate in the southern city of Najaf, shouting “Get out of Iraq!”

When many protesters were killed by gunmen, activists accused pro-Iranian factions that play a major role in Iraq and which the United States blames for attacks on its interests there.

The paramilitary network known as Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) -- formed in 2014 to defeat the ISIS group -- includes many pro-Iranian Shiite groups. It has since been integrated into Iraq’s state security apparatus.

In Iraq’s parliament too, political parties with deep ties to Tehran have formed powerful blocs with major influence in past governments.

Iran has also become one of Iraq’s largest trading partners, a major boost for Tehran, which has been battered by sanctions over its disputed nuclear program.

Iraq imports Iranian electricity as well as food, textiles, furniture and cars.

But many Iraqis worry that Iranian influence is now too strong.

Anti-Iranian anger has flared in recent years, even in what is known as Iraq’s southern Shiite heartland.

“Iran has lost a lot of the base in the south and the center of Iraq, the Shiite base, which it assumed for a long time would be a loyal base,” said Renad Mansour of the Chatham House think tank.

“Many of the parties that are aligned with Iran find it more difficult to maintain popularity.”

The 2018 election, marked by record abstentions, allowed PMF candidates to enter parliament for the first time, after the victory against ISIS.

Today, they aim to gain strength in the chamber, but experts are skeptical.

For pro-Iranian MPs, the relationship with Tehran is nothing to shy away from.

One of the leading figures of the PMF bloc, Baghdad lawmaker Ahmed Assadi, said in a recent TV interview that “our relationship with the republic is not a new one, it is a strategic one”.

“There is no submission or alignment,” he said. “It is a relationship based on the balance between the interests of Iraq and the interests of” Iran.

Mohammed Mohie, spokesman for the Kataib Hezbollah, a powerful PMF faction, told AFP that “relations with Iran are in the interest of the Iraqi people and must be strengthened.

“We have never seen any negative interference from Iran in Iraqi affairs.”

Looking at the protesters’ demands, he said that improving public services and infrastructure must be one top priority, but he also stressed another: the withdrawal of US troops.

Iraqi political scientist Ali al-Baidar said the pro-Iran factions are seeking to “consolidate their presence in politics and government”.

They want “to be present on several levels -- diplomacy, culture, sport -- to change their image with the general public” which associates them with the security apparatus.

Lahib Higel of the International Crisis Group said she expects the pro-Iran parties in parliament “to retain approximately the same portion of seats. I don’t see that there is going to be a significant increase for them”.

Tehran, she said, will hope for “a prime minister they can work with, that is acceptable to their agenda”.

Mansour said that while the election is important, “the key is the backroom deals that are made as part of forming a government”.

“In that process, Iran has historically had a big role,” he said. “Iran has proven to be the most capable external actor when it comes to government formation.”



Syria’s Al-Qusayr Celebrates Eid al-Fitr without Hezbollah for First Time in Years

People perform Eid Al-Fitr prayers in Al-Qusayr. (Sami Volunteer Team)
People perform Eid Al-Fitr prayers in Al-Qusayr. (Sami Volunteer Team)
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Syria’s Al-Qusayr Celebrates Eid al-Fitr without Hezbollah for First Time in Years

People perform Eid Al-Fitr prayers in Al-Qusayr. (Sami Volunteer Team)
People perform Eid Al-Fitr prayers in Al-Qusayr. (Sami Volunteer Team)

Amid the devastation, thousands of residents of Syria’s Al-Qusayr performed Eid Al-Fitr prayers in the northern district square—the site where the city’s first protest against President Bashar al-Assad’s rule erupted in 2011.

For the first time in Al-Qusayr’s history, Eid prayers were held in a public square. It was also the first mass gathering of residents in an open space in 13 years, following a war that destroyed 70% of the city, displaced its people, and led to its capture by Lebanon’s Hezbollah and Syrian regime forces.

Al-Qusayr, a region located near the Lebanese border, was once Hezbollah’s most significant stronghold in Syria. The group withdrew after the fall of the Syrian regime in December, but its loyalists and affiliated locals remained, along with residents of several border villages that have seen sporadic clashes in recent months.

The most intense fighting occurred in February, when Syrian forces launched a military operation that pushed them into Lebanese territory and deployed troops to seal off illegal border crossings.

Tensions flared again two weeks ago after Syrian soldiers were killed in the border region, triggering an exchange of artillery fire between the two sides.

The clashes left casualties on both ends and forced the displacement of border village residents before a ceasefire was reached with the Lebanese army.

The agreement included the closure of four illegal crossings in an effort to curb the smuggling of weapons and drugs, a trade that has flourished over the past decade under the former regime.

As soon as the regime fell, refugees from Al-Qusayr living in Lebanese camps began returning to their hometown. Hundreds arrived to find their homes completely destroyed, forcing them to set up tents beside the ruins while they rebuilt or searched for alternative housing.

The residents of Al-Qusayr resumed their communal Eid traditions after Ramadan. (Sami Volunteer Team)

The large turnout for Eid prayers underscored the scale of the return.

Journalist Ahmed al-Qasir, who recently came back, estimated that about 65% of those displaced have now returned. Before the uprising, Al-Qusayr had a population of around 150,000, he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Shahin, 30, who returned in 2018, described the city as a wasteland at the time, despite some 20,000 people having already come back.

“Hezbollah, regime militias, and smugglers controlled the area. There were no real markets, just small shops. Everything was in ruins—schools, clinics, hospitals,” he said.

Residents had to travel 30 kilometers to Homs for basic necessities, enduring regime checkpoints that extorted money along the way.

With the fall of Assad’s regime and Hezbollah’s withdrawal, life in Al-Qusayr has slowly begun to return to normal. Since the start of Ramadan, markets have reopened despite widespread destruction, poverty, and hardship.

On the eve of Eid, the city’s streets buzzed with late-night shopping, Shahin noted.

“Al-Qusayr is finally regaining its role as the region’s commercial hub,” he said.

According to a survey by the Sami Volunteer Team, more than 30,000 refugees returned to Al-Qusayr and its countryside within the first month of the regime’s collapse.

That number is believed to have doubled over the past four months, and team organizers expect it to rise further once the school year ends.

Zaid Harba, a member of the 40-person volunteer group, said most returnees came from refugee camps in Lebanon, while fewer arrived from displacement camps in northern Syria.

Many families there are waiting for the academic year to conclude before arranging their return.