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Washington Won’t Normalize Ties with Damascus, Won’t Prevent Others from Doing So

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken, accompanied by UAE Foreign Minister Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed al-Nahyan and Israeli Foreign Minister Yair Lapid, speaks at a joint news conference at the State Department in Washington, US, October 13, 2021. (Reuters)
US Secretary of State Antony Blinken, accompanied by UAE Foreign Minister Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed al-Nahyan and Israeli Foreign Minister Yair Lapid, speaks at a joint news conference at the State Department in Washington, US, October 13, 2021. (Reuters)
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Washington Won’t Normalize Ties with Damascus, Won’t Prevent Others from Doing So

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken, accompanied by UAE Foreign Minister Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed al-Nahyan and Israeli Foreign Minister Yair Lapid, speaks at a joint news conference at the State Department in Washington, US, October 13, 2021. (Reuters)
US Secretary of State Antony Blinken, accompanied by UAE Foreign Minister Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed al-Nahyan and Israeli Foreign Minister Yair Lapid, speaks at a joint news conference at the State Department in Washington, US, October 13, 2021. (Reuters)

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken’s recent remarks on Syria have been the clearest American position on the war-torn country. They were clear for what they openly declared and did not, which is probably the most important.

At a press briefing alongside his counterparts from the United Arab Emirates and Israel in Washington, Blinken said on Wednesday that the American priority in Syria lies in “expanding humanitarian access for people who desperately need that assistance, and we had some success, as you know, with renewing the critical corridor in northwestern Syria to do that.”

The other priority lies in “sustaining the campaign that we have with the coalition against ISIS and al-Qaeda in Syria,” he said.

The third is “making clear our commitment, our ongoing commitment to demand accountability from the [Bashar] Assad regime and the preservation of basic international norms like promoting human rights and nonproliferation through the imposition of targeted sanctions; and sustaining local ceasefires, which are in place in different parts of the country,” stated Blinken.

“As we’re moving forward, in the time ahead, keeping violence down; increasing humanitarian assistance and focusing our military efforts on any terrorist groups that pose a threat to us or to our partners, with the intent and capacity to do that. These are going to be the critical areas of focus for us, and they’re also, I think, important to advancing a broader political settlement to the Syrian conflict consistent with UN Security Council Resolution 2254,” he added.

In reality, however, the gap between these statements and the developments on the ground is vast. True, the resolution to extend cross border aid was passed in July, but a meeting between American and Russian officials in Geneva revealed that Moscow was still committed to its stance. Russia has said that extending the resolution next year hinges on a report by UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres and Moscow’s satisfaction with the progress in providing assistance for the “early recovery” in Syria related to reconstruction and the delivery of aid across zones of influence.

Moreover, the gap between statements and the situation on the ground also apply to maintaining the ceasefire. True, the ceasefire has held along the frontlines for 18 months, but air strikes, clashes and provocations are ongoing, whether by Russia in northern Syria or Israel throughout the country.

Notably, Blinken made his statements weeks after Israeli Foreign Minister Yair Lapid visited Moscow and ahead of Prime Minister Naftali Bennett’s visit to the Russian capital next week. The PM is expected to receive reassurances from Russian President Vladimir Putin that Israel has “free reign” to crack down on Iran and Syria without harming the Russian army.

Blinken made his remarks of a “ceasefire” amid ongoing raids, clashes and drone strikes on northeastern Syria. The US continues to threaten to impose sanctions on Turkey and the Biden administration extended the national emergency executive order in Syria that was first issued in 2019 in wake of Ankara’s incursion against Kurdish forces. The administration has also assured its Kurdish alliances in Syria that US forces will remain deployed in regions east of the Euphrates in wake of the chaotic American withdrawal from Afghanistan. The situation in Kurdish regions and near the border has so far, held, but Turkey has in recent days signaled it was ready for a military escalation to put an end to perceived threats from Syria.

More doubts have been cast over America’s statements and its actions. While Blinken spoke about pushing for a “broader political settlement”, the official has yet since his appointment to meet with UN special envoy to Syria Geir Pedersen even though he has had opportunities to do so in Rome, New York and Washington. It is as if he were saying that the Syrian file is not important. So, it came as no surprise that Blinken failed to mention in his remarks on Wednesday the meeting of the Syrian Constitutional Committee in Geneva on Monday.

Blinken was also expected to declare Washington’s stance from Arab attempts to normalize ties with Damascus. He said: “What we have not done and what we do not intend to do is to express any support for efforts to normalize relations or rehabilitate Mr. Assad, or lifted a single sanction on Syria or changed our position to oppose the reconstruction of Syria until there is irreversible progress toward a political solution, which we believe is necessary and vital.”

Significantly, Blinken made his statements after meeting with UAE Foreign Minister Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed Al Nahyan and months after Jordan’s King Abdullah II had visited the US. No doubt, Amman and Abu Dhabi are very eager for rapprochement with Damascus. So, it was notable that Blinken said the US does not intend to express support for efforts to normalize ties with the regime. This stands in contrast to the former Trump administration, whereby the Biden administration will declare its position and principles, but it won’t wage a diplomatic and political campaign to discourage its allies or sanction those who veer off its stances.

This hands-off approach could be blamed on several factors, one of which is Washington’s exhaustion from the Middle East in general, and the significant resistance the Biden policy over Syria is witnessing in American institutions.

This was demonstrated when two members of Congress’ Foreign Relations Committee openly opposed Arab normalization with Damascus and demanded that Washington prevent it. Two prominent members of the committee also contacted Arab countries to warn them against rushing to normalize relations as the US heads towards midterm elections in which the Republics are tipped to make gains.

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10 Years after Europe's Migration Crisis, the Fallout Reverberates in Greece and Beyond

File photo: Migrants of African origin trying to flee to Europe are crammed on board of a small boat, as Tunisian coast guards prepare to transfer them onto their vessel, at sea between Tunisia and Italy, on August 10, 2023. (Photo by FETHI BELAID / AFP)
File photo: Migrants of African origin trying to flee to Europe are crammed on board of a small boat, as Tunisian coast guards prepare to transfer them onto their vessel, at sea between Tunisia and Italy, on August 10, 2023. (Photo by FETHI BELAID / AFP)
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10 Years after Europe's Migration Crisis, the Fallout Reverberates in Greece and Beyond

File photo: Migrants of African origin trying to flee to Europe are crammed on board of a small boat, as Tunisian coast guards prepare to transfer them onto their vessel, at sea between Tunisia and Italy, on August 10, 2023. (Photo by FETHI BELAID / AFP)
File photo: Migrants of African origin trying to flee to Europe are crammed on board of a small boat, as Tunisian coast guards prepare to transfer them onto their vessel, at sea between Tunisia and Italy, on August 10, 2023. (Photo by FETHI BELAID / AFP)

Fleeing Iran with her husband and toddler, Amena Namjoyan reached a rocky beach of this eastern Greek island along with hundreds of thousands of others. For months, their arrival overwhelmed Lesbos. Boats fell apart, fishermen dove to save people from drowning, and local grandmothers bottle-fed newly arrived babies.

Namjoyan spent months in an overcrowded camp. She learned Greek. She struggled with illness and depression as her marriage collapsed. She tried to make a fresh start in Germany but eventually returned to Lesbos, the island that first embraced her. Today, she works at a restaurant, preparing Iranian dishes that locals devour, even if they struggle to pronounce the names. Her second child tells her, “‘I’m Greek.’”

“Greece is close to my culture, and I feel good here,” Namjoyan said. “I am proud of myself.”

In 2015, more than 1 million migrants and refugees arrived in Europe — the majority by sea, landing in Lesbos, where the north shore is just 10 kilometers (6 miles) from Türkiye. The influx of men, women and children fleeing war and poverty sparked a humanitarian crisis that shook the European Union to its core. A decade later, the fallout still reverberates on the island and beyond.

For many, Greece was a place of transit. They continued on to northern and western Europe. Many who applied for asylum were granted international protection; thousands became European citizens. Countless more were rejected, languishing for years in migrant camps or living in the streets. Some returned to their home countries. Others were kicked out of the European Union.

For Namjoyan, Lesbos is a welcoming place — many islanders share a refugee ancestry, and it helps that she speaks their language. But migration policy in Greece, like much of Europe, has shifted toward deterrence in the decade since the crisis. Far fewer people are arriving illegally. Officials and politicians have maintained that strong borders are needed. Critics say enforcement has gone too far and violates fundamental EU rights and values.

“Migration is now at the top of the political agenda, which it didn’t use to be before 2015,” said Camille Le Coz Director of the Migration Policy Institute Europe, noting changing EU alliances. “We are seeing a shift toward the right of the political spectrum.”

A humanitarian crisis turned into a political one

In 2015, boat after boat crowded with refugees crashed onto the doorstep of Elpiniki Laoumi, who runs a fish tavern across from a Lesbos beach. She fed them, gave them water, made meals for aid organizations.

“You would look at them and think of them as your own children," said Laoumi, whose tavern walls today are decorated with thank-you notes.

From 2015 to 2016, the peak of the migration crisis, more than 1 million people entered Europe through Greece alone. The immediate humanitarian crisis — to feed, shelter and care for so many people at once — grew into a long-term political one.

Greece was reeling from a crippling economic crisis. The influx added to anger against established political parties, fueling the rise of once-fringe populist forces.

EU nations fought over sharing responsibility for asylum seekers. The bloc’s unity cracked as some member states flatly refused to take migrants. Anti-migration voices calling for closed borders became louder.

Today, illegal migration is down across Europe While illegal migration to Greece has fluctuated, numbers are nowhere near 2015-16 figures, according to the International Organization for Migration. Smugglers adapted to heightened surveillance, shifting to more dangerous routes.

Overall, irregular EU border crossings decreased by nearly 40% last year and continue to fall, according to EU border and coast guard agency Frontex.

That hasn’t stopped politicians from focusing on — and sometimes fearmongering over — migration. This month, the Dutch government collapsed after a populist far-right lawmaker withdrew his party’s ministers over migration policy.

In Greece, the new far-right migration minister has threatened rejected asylum seekers with jail time.

A few miles from where Namjoyan now lives, in a forest of pine and olive trees, is a new EU-funded migrant center. It's one of the largest in Greece and can house up to 5,000 people.

Greek officials denied an Associated Press request to visit. Its opening is blocked, for now, by court challenges.

Some locals say the remote location seems deliberate — to keep migrants out of sight and out of mind.

“We don’t believe such massive facilities are needed here. And the location is the worst possible – deep inside a forest,” said Panagiotis Christofas, mayor of Lesbos’ capital, Mytilene. “We’re against it, and I believe that’s the prevailing sentiment in our community.”

A focus on border security

For most of Europe, migration efforts focus on border security and surveillance.

The European Commission this year greenlighted the creation of “return” hubs — a euphemism for deportation centers — for rejected asylum seekers. Italy has sent unwanted migrants to its centers in Albania, even as that faces legal challenges.

Governments have resumed building walls and boosting surveillance in ways unseen since the Cold War.

In 2015, Frontex was a small administrative office in Warsaw. Now, it's the EU's biggest agency, with 10,000 armed border guards, helicopters, drones and an annual budget of over 1 billion euros.

On other issues of migration — reception, asylum and integration, for example — EU nations are largely divided.

The legacy of Lesbos

Last year, EU nations approved a migration and asylum pact laying out common rules for the bloc's 27 countries on screening, asylum, detention and deportation of people trying to enter without authorization, among other things.

“The Lesbos crisis of 2015 was, in a way, the birth certificate of the European migration and asylum policy,” Margaritis Schinas, a former European Commission vice president and a chief pact architect, told AP.

He said that after years of fruitless negotiations, he's proud of the landmark compromise.

“We didn’t have a system,” Schinas said. “Europe’s gates had been crashed."

The deal, endorsed by the United Nations refugee agency, takes effect next year. Critics say it made concessions to hardliners. Human rights organizations say it will increase detention and erode the right to seek asylum.

Some organizations also criticize the “externalization” of EU border management — agreements with countries across the Mediterranean to aggressively patrol their coasts and hold migrants back in exchange for financial assistance.

The deals have expanded, from Türkiye to the Middle East and across Africa. Human rights groups say autocratic governments are pocketing billions and often subject the displaced to appalling conditions.

Lesbos still sees some migrants arrive Lesbos' 80,000 residents look back at the 2015 crisis with mixed feelings.

Fisherman Stratos Valamios saved some children. Others drowned just beyond his reach, their bodies still warm as he carried them to shore.

“What’s changed from back then to now, 10 years on? Nothing,” he said. “What I feel is anger — that such things can happen, that babies can drown.”

Those who died crossing to Lesbos are buried in two cemeteries, their graves marked as “unknown.”

Tiny shoes and empty juice boxes with faded Turkish labels can still be found on the northern coast. So can black doughnut-shaped inner tubes, given by smugglers as crude life preservers for children. At Moria, a refugee camp destroyed by fire in 2020, children’s drawings remain on gutted building walls.

Migrants still arrive, and sometimes die, on these shores. Lesbos began to adapt to a quieter, more measured flow of newcomers.

Efi Latsoudi, who runs a network helping migrants learn Greek and find jobs, hopes Lesbos’ tradition of helping outsiders in need will outlast national policies.

“The way things are developing, it’s not friendly for newcomers to integrate into Greek society,” Latsoudi said. "We need to do something. ... I believe there is hope.”