Portrait of Poverty as UN Visits Lebanon's Tripoli, Mediterranean's Poorest City

A home in the Hay al-Tanak shanty town on the outskirts of Lebanon’s Tripoli, where families can barely get enough electricity to keep their refrigerator and one lightbulb on. (Thomson Reuters Foundation)
A home in the Hay al-Tanak shanty town on the outskirts of Lebanon’s Tripoli, where families can barely get enough electricity to keep their refrigerator and one lightbulb on. (Thomson Reuters Foundation)
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Portrait of Poverty as UN Visits Lebanon's Tripoli, Mediterranean's Poorest City

A home in the Hay al-Tanak shanty town on the outskirts of Lebanon’s Tripoli, where families can barely get enough electricity to keep their refrigerator and one lightbulb on. (Thomson Reuters Foundation)
A home in the Hay al-Tanak shanty town on the outskirts of Lebanon’s Tripoli, where families can barely get enough electricity to keep their refrigerator and one lightbulb on. (Thomson Reuters Foundation)

After patiently waiting in line, Umm Mustafa extended two grubby plastic containers to a soup kitchen volunteer, who ladled in rice and stewed greens. It would be the only meal the unemployed single mother and her three sons would eat that day.

"I'm already broke and in debt. So for the last year, I've come here every day just to get enough to eat," said the 40-year-old, gesturing to the outdoor soup kitchen in Mina, a coastal strip along the northwestern edges of Lebanon's poorest city, Tripoli.

Wearing a second-hand medical mask secured with one handle - torn - she asked that her nickname, "Mustafa's mother", be used instead of her full name.

"Mina used to be so beautiful. Now this poverty and unemployment has ripped it apart," she told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

Last week, the United Nations' special rapporteur on poverty Olivier de Schutter visited Tripoli as part of a fact-finding mission to Lebanon, whose economic meltdown was ranked by the World Bank has one of the worst since the industrial revolution.

De Schutter had previously served as special rapporteur on the right to food, and the Lebanon trip was only his second on the job after he investigated poverty in Europe.

Once hailed as the country's industrial powerhouse, Tripoli has been reduced to the most impoverished city along the entire Mediterranean coast - even before the current crisis set in, according to UN Habitat.

De Schutter told the Thomson Reuters Foundation he heard "moving" testimony during his day-trip - and feared the city's decline could be the canary in Lebanon's coalmine.

"This city is a concise statement of Lebanon as a whole - an attempt to stitch the scars of the civil war and to live in harmonious relationships across communities despite the economic crisis," de Schutter said.

"I'm watching the impacts the crisis is having on these inter-communal relationships - and Tripoli is a place that should be watched very carefully."

'How many more?'

Few can trace Tripoli's decline as closely as Robert Ayoub, who founded the Maeddat al-Mahhabe soup kitchen that served as de Schutter's first stop in the northern city.

In 2018, Ayoub ran into a former work mate from Tripoli's Port Authority, overshadowed by a fast-expanding port in Beirut.

The city's oil refinery had also stopped functioning, as had the rail line linking it north to Syria and south to the rest of Lebanon. An influx of Syrian refugees fleeing conflict next door meant competition for low-skilled jobs.

By the time Ayoub ran into his old colleague, Tripoli's urban poverty rate sat at 58%, according to UN Habitat, meaning every other resident lived below the poverty line.

"His life had been turned upside down, and he was picking through trash to find recyclable scraps to sell," said Ayoub, who immediately opened Maedat al-Mahhabe to serve about 45 free meals a day, mostly to ex-colleagues turned scrap collectors.

Even before the crisis, less than three-quarters of Tripoli households ate three meals a day, according to the Food & Agricultural Organization - the lowest rate across Lebanon.

Food insecurity has only been aggravated by Lebanon's economic crisis, which has seen the lira lose more than 90% of its value and food prices skyrocket by more than 600%, according to the World Food Program.

Maedat al-Mahhabe now distributes 700 meals, a service the UN called "the ultimate safety net against food poverty."

Yet Ayoub isn't sure how much longer he can hold out and fears the queue for free food will only lengthen.

The kitchen relies on donations, and Ayoub says his diners are selling off their last goods - from empty gas cylinders to washing machines to carpets - to afford electricity or water.

"What do these people do four or five months down the line? Their wedding rings and two pieces of gold jewelry were already sold a long time ago. How many more numbers will we be able to host in these coming months?" he said.

Scraps

Just a few hundred meters away lies Hay al-Tanak, a shanty town where many residents compete for scraps to earn a living.

The state grid provides just two hours power a day, so "privileged" residents paid for a private generator to get enough power to also fire up a television or a few lamps.

"I can't afford a generator to make up the difference," said Ahmed Ayyash, a 30-year-old resident who lives in a one-room shack with his wife and toddler.

Ayyash searches for scraps along the coast from 4am until 1pm, then again from 9pm until 2am, earning about 50,000 Lebanese pounds a day - the equivalent of $2.40. The tide brings in anything from plastic bottles to sheets of wood.

Slums are scattered across Tripoli, offering sub-par housing to the most vulnerable in Hay al-Tanak, Mankoubin and Wadi al-Nahle - all visited by de Schutter.

He passed residents sitting in the dark in one-room shacks.

Stained mattresses were propped upright to dry after a rainy weekend - and this was before Lebanon's wet winter descends.

In its 2017 report, UN Habitat said the need for social housing was "nowhere greater nationally than in Tripoli's urban area" - but the neighborhoods have seen little to no investment.

Magnified Misery

Yet some of Lebanon's ultra-rich also come from Tripoli.

Forbes' 2021 rich list includes six billionaires from Lebanon. The top two - Prime Minister Najib Mikati and his brother, Taha Mikati - hail from Tripoli and own properties in Mina, near the soup kitchen and Hay al-Tanak.

After Lebanon's civil war, investments poured into Beirut and its suburbs - but the "peripheral" northern regions were left out, explained Adib Nehme, a local expert on poverty and development who spent more than a decade at the UN.

"This is not a city with poor pockets like Beirut - this is a poor city with wealth pockets," said Nehme.

Tripoli was particularly vulnerable to the devastation wrought by Lebanon's financial crisis, said Khalid Abu Ismail, who heads the economic development and poverty department at the UN's Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia.

"The story that you see across the rest of the country has been magnified in Tripoli," he said.

Few Tripolitans have faith in the future.

When de Schutter told a group of men and women he would carry their concerns to the government, many visibly scoffed.

"How about you just take us with you when you leave?" one called out.



'Where's the Gold?': How the Assads Sucked Syria Dry

Mountain lair: a soldier looks into a hidden exit from from Maher al-Assad's private office built into a hilltop overlooking Damascus. Bakr ALKASEM / AFP
Mountain lair: a soldier looks into a hidden exit from from Maher al-Assad's private office built into a hilltop overlooking Damascus. Bakr ALKASEM / AFP
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'Where's the Gold?': How the Assads Sucked Syria Dry

Mountain lair: a soldier looks into a hidden exit from from Maher al-Assad's private office built into a hilltop overlooking Damascus. Bakr ALKASEM / AFP
Mountain lair: a soldier looks into a hidden exit from from Maher al-Assad's private office built into a hilltop overlooking Damascus. Bakr ALKASEM / AFP

From a Bond villain lair in the rugged heights overlooking Damascus, the all-seeing eye of a notorious Syrian military unit gazed down on a city it bled dry.

Many of the bases of the elite Fourth Division formerly run by toppled president Bashar al-Assad's feared younger brother Maher now lie looted.

But papers left strewn behind reveal how the man they called "The Master" and his cronies wallowed in immense wealth while some of their foot soldiers struggled to feed their families and even begged on the streets.

Piles of documents seen by AFP expose a vast economic empire that Maher al-Assad and his network of profiteers built by pillaging a country already impoverished by nearly 14 years of civil war.

Western governments long accused him and his entourage of turning Syria into a narco state, flooding the Middle East with captagon.

But far beyond that $10-billion trade -- whose vast scale was exposed in a 2022 AFP investigation -- papers found in its abandoned posts show the Fourth Division had its fingers in many pies in Syria, an all-consuming "mafia" within the pariah state.

+ It expropriated homes and farms

+ Seized food, cars and electronics to sell on

+ Looted copper and metal from bombed-out buildings

+ Collected "fees" at roadblocks and checkpoints

+ Ran protection rackets, making firms pay for escorts of oil tankers, some from areas controlled by extremists

+ Controlled the tobacco and metal trades

Mountain eyrie

The center of this corrupt web was Maher al-Assad's private offices, hidden in an underground labyrinth of tunnels -- some big enough to drive a truck through -- cut into a mountain above Damascus.

A masked guard took AFP through the tunnels with all the brisk efficiency of a tour guide -- the sauna, the bedroom, what appeared to be cells and various "emergency" exit routes.

But at its heart, down a steep flight of 160 stairs, lay a series of vaults with iron-clad doors.

The guard said he had counted nine vaults behind one sealed-off room.

He said safes had been "broken open" by looters who entered the office just hours after the Assad brothers fled Syria on December 8 when Damascus fell to an offensive, ending the family's five-decade rule.

Maher, 57, did not know of his brother's plans to flee to Russia and escaped separately, taking a helicopter to the Iraqi border, according to a senior Iraqi security official and two other sources. He then made his way to Russia, they said, apparently via Iran.

The chaos of their fall is apparent in the underground complex. Safes and empty Rolex and Cartier watch boxes still lie scattered about, though it is not known if the vaults were emptied before the looters arrived.

"This is Maher al-Assad's main office," the guard said, "which has two floors above the ground but also tunnels containing locked rooms that can't be opened."

In one corridor, a shrink wrap machine -- probably used for bundling cash -- was abandoned next to a huge safe.

Hidden fortune

There was never any shortage of bills to wrap.

One document retrieved from the papers that litter the Fourth Division's Security Bureau farther down the hill show they had ready cash of $80 million, eight million euros and 41 billion Syrian pounds at their fingertips in June. That was a perfectly normal cash float, according to papers going back to 2021.

"This is only a small sample of the wealth that Maher and his associates gathered from their shady business deals," said Carnegie Middle East Centre scholar Kheder Khaddour.

Their real fortune is probably hidden abroad”, he said.

"The Fourth Division was a money-making machine," Khaddour added, preying on a land where the UN says more than 90 percent of the population was living on a little more than $2 a day.

State within a state

Western sanctions to squeeze the Assads and their cronies did little to impede Maher and his men.

Theirs was an "independent state" within the state, said Omar Shaaban, a former Fourth Division colonel who has signed a deal with the new Syrian authorities.

"It had all the means... It had everything," he said.

While the US dollar was officially banned under Assad -- with Syrians not even allowed to utter the word -- Shaaban said many Fourth Division officers grew "wealthy and had safes full of money".

"In dollars," naturally, Shaaban added.

Maher's cronies lived in sprawling villas, shipping luxury cars abroad while beyond their gates the country was mired in poverty and despair.

Weeks after the Assads' fall, desperate people were still combing through Maher's mansion built into a hill in Damascus' Yaafour neighborhood next to the stables where his daughter rode her prize-winning horses.

"I want the gold. Where's the gold?" a man asked AFP as he went through its ransacked rooms. But all that was left were old photographs of Maher, his wife and their three children strewn on the floor.

'The butcher'

Maher was a shadowy, menacing figure in Assad's Syria, branded "the butcher" by the opposition. His Fourth Division was the ousted regime's iron fist, linked to a long list of atrocities.

But while his portrait was hung in all their bases, he was seldom seen in public.

Despite rights groups accusing him of ordering the 2011 massacre of protesters in Daraa -- which helped ignite the civil war -- and the United Nations linking him to the 2005 assassination of ex-Lebanese prime minister Rafic Hariri, he was "the invisible man", one person close to the former ruling family told AFP.

"Few people would tell you that they know him," the source said.

Yet Maher could be generous and good company, according to his sister-in-law Majd al-Jadaan, a longtime opponent of the regime.

"However, when he gets angry, he completely loses control... This is what makes his personality terrifying," she told Al-Arabiya TV.

"He knows how to destroy -- he knows how to kill and then lie to appear innocent," Jadaan told French TV early in the civil war, saying he was as ruthless as his father, Hafez.

Luxury cars

One other name keeps cropping up alongside Maher's when people in Damascus curse the crimes of the Fourth Division.

Ghassan Belal was the head of its powerful Security Bureau. Like his boss, he collected luxury cars and lived in a villa in the Yaafour district. Belal has also left Syria, according to security sources.

Inside his spacious offices in the bureau's headquarters, you can piece together his lavish lifestyle bill by bill from the papers he left, including the cost of running his Cadillac.

Over the summer, Belal shipped two cars, a Lexus and a Mercedes, the $29,000 customs and other expenses charged to a credit card under another name.

A handwritten note showed that despite being sanctioned for human rights abuses, he paid his Netflix subscription using a "friend's foreign credit card".

Another list showed that mostly domestic expenses for his properties, including his main villa -- which has since also been looted -- amounted to $55,000 for just 10 days in August.

That same month, a Fourth Division soldier wrote to Belal begging for help because he was in "a terrible financial situation". Belal gave him 500,000 Syrian pounds -- $33. Another soldier who abandoned his post was caught begging on the street.

The money men

While thousands of the papers were burned as the regime fell, many of the classified documents survived the flames and have tales to tell.

Among prominent names mentioned as paying into Fourth Division funds are sanctioned businessmen Khaled Qaddour, Raif Quwatli and the Katerji brothers, who have been accused of generating hundreds of millions of dollars for Iran's Revolutionary Guard and the Yemeni Houthis through the sale of Iranian oil to Syria and China.

Quwatli operated checkpoints and crossings where goods were often confiscated or "taxed", multiple sources said.

Qaddour -- who was sanctioned by the United States for bankrolling Maher through captagon, cigarette and mobile phone smuggling -- denied having any dealings with him when he tried to have his EU sanctions lifted in 2018.

But the Security Bureau's revenue list showed he paid $6.5 million into its coffers in 2020 alone.

'It was a mafia'

Khaddour said the Security Bureau handled most of the division's financial dealings and issued security cards for people it did business with to ease their movements.

A drug lord told Lebanese investigators in 2021 that he held a Fourth Division security card and that the Security Bureau had agreed to protect another dealer's drug shipment for $2 million, according to a statement seen by AFP.

The US Treasury and several Syrian and Lebanese security figures have also cited Belal and the bureau as key players in the captagon trade.

AFP visited a captagon lab linked to the division in December in a villa in the Dimas area near Lebanon's border, its rooms full of boxes and barrels of the caffeine, ethanol and paracetamol needed to make the drug.

Locals said they were not allowed to approach the villa, with shepherds banned from the surrounding hills.

A former Fourth Division officer who worked for Belal, and who asked not to be named, said the bureau enjoyed "so much immunity, no one could touch a member without Maher's approval."

"It was a mafia, and I knew I was working for a mafia," he added.

'They left people in hunger'

The division's unbridled greed haunted families for decades as a letter written by Adnan Deeb, a graveyard caretaker from Homs, shows.

His plea for the return of his family's seized property was found among hundreds of damp and dirty documents at an abandoned checkpoint near Damascus.

When AFP tracked Deeb down, he told how the Fourth Division confiscated his family's villa, and those of several of their neighbors in the village of Kafraya 10 years ago.

Despite not being allowed near them, Deeb said they still had to pay taxes on the properties, which were used as offices, warehouses and likely a jail.

"The Fourth Division Security Bureau here was a red line that no one dared to come close to," the son of one of the owners told AFP.

They found hundreds of cars, motorcycles and hundreds of gallons of cooking oil in the properties after the regime fell.

"They left people in hunger while everything was available for them," he said.

A woman with 25 family members -- some living in a tent -- repeatedly requested the Fourth Division give her back her home in a document found in another of the villas.

Bashar got his cut

The Fourth Division controlled no part of the Syrian economy more than the metals market, with former colonel Shaaban saying "no one was permitted to move iron" without its approval.

It also had "exclusive" control of copper, he said.

When Assad's forces took control of a Damascus suburb after a fierce battle with the opposition, the Fourth Division swiftly sent its men to pull the copper and iron from destroyed homes, one of its officers recalled.

Fares Shehabi, former head of Syria's Chamber of Industry said a metal plant managed by one of Maher al-Assad's partners monopolized the market, with factories forced to buy exclusively from it.

Many "could no longer operate" under such pressure, Shehabi said.

Maher al-Assad and his "friends" controlled a big share of Syria's economy, he said. But the ultimate beneficiary was always his brother Bashar, he argued. "It was one company. The (presidential) palace was always the reference."

The former Fourth Division officer also insisted a share of profits and seized items always went to the president.

Toxic legacy

While little seems to be left of Fourth Division today other than its ransacked depots and headquarters, Syria expert Lars Hauch, of Conflict Mediation Solutions (CMS), warned its legacy could yet be highly toxic.

"The Fourth Division was a military actor, a security apparatus, an intelligence entity, an economic force, a political power, and a transnational criminal enterprise," he said.

"An institution with a decades-long history, enormous financial capacity and close relations with elites doesn't just vanish," he added.

"While the top-level leadership fled the country, the committed and mostly Alawite core (from which the Assads come)... retreated to the coastal regions," Hauch said.

Syria's new leadership has repeatedly sought to reassure minorities they will not be harmed. But across the country, violence against Alawites has surged.

Hauch said caches of weapons may have been hidden away.

Add to that the division's war chest of "billions of dollars", and "you have what you need for a sustained insurgency... if Syria's transition fails to achieve genuine inclusivity and transitional justice," the analyst warned.