Ukraine War: A New Battlefront for Syrian Mercenaries

Syrian and Russian soldiers in Karm al-Tarif, east of Aleppo, in the north of the country on December 4, 2016 (AP)
Syrian and Russian soldiers in Karm al-Tarif, east of Aleppo, in the north of the country on December 4, 2016 (AP)
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Ukraine War: A New Battlefront for Syrian Mercenaries

Syrian and Russian soldiers in Karm al-Tarif, east of Aleppo, in the north of the country on December 4, 2016 (AP)
Syrian and Russian soldiers in Karm al-Tarif, east of Aleppo, in the north of the country on December 4, 2016 (AP)

Russia’s war against Ukraine has produced a new battlefront for Syrian youth seeking to escape “hell” in their country and find ways to resolve their living, security, and economic crises. Warlords will want to profit off the conflict the way they did in other wars in Libya and Nagorno-Karabakh.

With Russian and Turkish sponsorship, Syrian mercenaries have fought in wars abroad.

Mediators in Damascus and other government-run areas in Syria have started signing contracts with Syrian youths willing to fight alongside the Russian army in Ukraine.

The new list of conscripts includes around 23,000 Syrians who had fought in militia formations alongside the Syrian government forces. These fighters once went to battle under the banners of the Al-Bustan Association and the National Defense Forces (NDF).

The military wing of Al-Bustan Association had belonged to Syrian President Bashar al-Assad’s maternal cousin, Rami Makhlouf, but was later disbanded and taken over by Damascus.

Meanwhile, the NDF was co-founded with Iran in 2012. It had lost traction on the battlefield after the Russian intervention in Syria in 2015.

Saturday marks two years passing since Russian President Vladimir Putin and his Turkish counterpart, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, signed the Idlib truce in Syria, stabilizing contact lines in the Levantine country’s north and northwest.

Moreover, Russian-US agreements dating back to mid-2017 had marked “borders” between government-run areas and regions east of the Euphrates river.

During a meeting at the Russian-operated Hmeimim airbase in western Syria and before Russia waging its attack on Ukraine, Russian Defense Minister Sergey Shoygu had told Assad to wait for an all-out attack against Idlib, because Moscow will be busy with Ukraine and does not want to anger Ankara at present.

As the 11th anniversary of the Syrian opposition protests approaches, it is worth noting that two whole years had passed without any significant change in the “borders” of the microstates that had formed in Syria.

In Syria, the economic crisis and suffering have been exacerbated, leaving 90% of the population in poverty. At least 12.4 million Syrians, or 60% of the population, are food insecure.

The Syrian pound has also witnessed a sharp decline in its value, dropping from 46 pounds to 3,500 pounds per dollar, at a time when food prices are 33 times higher than they were during the pre-war period.

An estimated 14 million people need assistance inside the country, and more than five million people lack access to freshwater.

Russia’s war in Ukraine has deepened the Syrians’ crises, as the two warring countries constitute a significant source of food and livelihood supplies, especially bread and energy.

But this provided additional reasons for “investing in the suffering of the people,” as warlords in Damascus and other government-run areas were active in distributing draft contracts to young people.

The contract promises $7,000 so long that the recruit serves seven consecutive months in protecting facilities in Ukraine. The contract’s first condition is that draftees do not return to Syria during the seven months.

The second condition is that the Syrian government has nothing to do with these contracts.

If a recruit is killed, they are not eligible for the national “Martyrs’ Fund” in Syria and their families won’t enjoy any privileges.

However, young volunteers may get justifications to postpone their mandatory military service, which was one of the reasons for the emigration of many young Syrians.

Instead of fighting each other, Syrian youth are now fighting wars abroad.

Back when Russia and Turkey transferred thousands of them to “protect oil installations” in Libya or Nagorno-Karabakh the mercenary’s contract was for six months, while in Ukraine it will last for seven months.

This indicates that the Russian Hmeimim air base, the main umbrella for the recruitment process, has a conviction that the Ukrainian war will last for months or years, not days.

Damascus has clearly sided with Moscow politically. It issued supportive official statements, backed the recognition of the “independence of the republics” of eastern Ukraine, and voted alongside Cuba, Eritrea, North Korea and Russia in the United Nations General Assembly against a Western condemnation statement that received the support of 141 countries.

Since the outbreak of the attack against Ukraine, contacts between Damascus and Tehran also intensified.

The Director of the Syrian National Security Office, Major General Ali Mamlouk, met his Iranian counterpart, Ali Shamkhani, and President Ibrahim Raisi to coordinate against “US moves to recruit fighters from the east of the Euphrates.” This came amid reports that other Syrian mercenaries are ready to fight on Ukraine’s behalf.

But most likely, the Syrian-Iranian coordination aims to have Iran “fill the void” if Russia is too preoccupied with Ukraine.

For its part, Russia prepared for the potential eventuality of its involvement in Ukraine by signing a military agreement with Belarus to send military forces with “humanitarian missions” to Syria and depending on Iran to provide economic, oil and food aid to the war-torn country.

Damascus, an ally of both Moscow and Tehran, will likely inch closer to Iran if a nuclear deal is signed in Vienna. A deal would secure Iran’s ability to economically help Syria while Russia is busy with its new adventure in Ukraine.

Even though the past months had witnessed the balance in Syria tilting in favor of Russia, as Moscow succeeded in the acquisition of interests that Tehran sought to control in the country, including the port of Latakia, the coming days may witness a swing in the balance of Iran.

However, Russia continues to green light Israel’s attacks against Iranian interests to prevent Tehran from “strategic positioning”, especially in southern Syria.



Netanyahu’s Governing Coalition Is Fracturing. Here’s What It Means for Israel and Gaza

 Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu walks in the Knesset, Israel's parliament, on the day of a vote over a possible expulsion of Ayman Odeh from parliament, in Jerusalem, July 14, 2025. (Reuters)
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu walks in the Knesset, Israel's parliament, on the day of a vote over a possible expulsion of Ayman Odeh from parliament, in Jerusalem, July 14, 2025. (Reuters)
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Netanyahu’s Governing Coalition Is Fracturing. Here’s What It Means for Israel and Gaza

 Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu walks in the Knesset, Israel's parliament, on the day of a vote over a possible expulsion of Ayman Odeh from parliament, in Jerusalem, July 14, 2025. (Reuters)
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu walks in the Knesset, Israel's parliament, on the day of a vote over a possible expulsion of Ayman Odeh from parliament, in Jerusalem, July 14, 2025. (Reuters)

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government suffered a serious blow on Tuesday when an ultra-Orthodox party announced it was bolting the coalition.

While this doesn’t immediately threaten Netanyahu’s rule, it could set in motion his government’s demise, although that could still be months away. It also could complicate efforts to halt the war in Gaza.

United Torah Judaism's two factions said they were leaving the government because of disagreements over a proposed law that would end broad exemptions for religious students from enlistment into the military.

Military service is compulsory for most Jewish Israelis, and the issue of exemptions has long divided the country. Those rifts have only widened since the start of the war in Gaza as demand for military manpower has grown and hundreds of soldiers have been killed.

The threat to the government “looks more serious than ever,” said Shuki Friedman, vice president of the Jewish People Policy Institute, a Jerusalem think tank.

Netanyahu is on trial for alleged corruption, and critics say he wants to hang on to power so that he can use his office as a bully pulpit to rally supporters and lash out against prosecutors and judges. That makes him all the more vulnerable to the whims of his coalition allies.

Here is a look at Netanyahu's political predicament and some potential scenarios:

The ultra-Orthodox are key partners

Netanyahu, Israel’s longest serving leader, has long relied on the ultra-Orthodox parties to prop up his governments.

Without UTJ, his coalition holds just 61 out of parliament’s 120 seats. That means Netanyahu will be more susceptible to pressure from other elements within his government, especially far-right parties who strongly oppose ending the war in Gaza.

The political shake up isn't likely to completely derail ceasefire talks, but it could complicate how flexible Netanyahu can be in his concessions to Hamas.

A second ultra-Orthodox party is also considering bolting the government over the draft issue. That would give Netanyahu a minority in parliament and make governing almost impossible.

The ultra-Orthodox military exemptions have divided Israel

A decades-old arrangement by Israel’s first prime minister granted hundreds of ultra-Orthodox men exemptions from compulsory Israeli service. Over the years, those exemptions ballooned into the thousands and created deep divisions in Israel.

The ultra-Orthodox say their men are serving the country by studying sacred Jewish texts and preserving centuries’ old tradition. They fear that mandatory enlistment will dilute adherents’ connection to the faith.

But most Jewish Israelis see the exemption as unfair, as well as the generous government stipends granted to many ultra-Orthodox men who study instead of work throughout adulthood. That bitterness has only worsened during nearly two years of war.

The politically powerful ultra-Orthodox parties have long had outsize influence in Israel’s fragmented political system and used that status to extract major concessions for their constituents.

But a court last year ruled Netanyahu’s government must enlist the ultra-Orthodox so long as there is no new law codifying the exemptions.

Netanyahu’s coalition has been trying to find a path forward on a new law. But his base is largely opposed to granting sweeping draft exemptions and a key lawmaker has stood in the way of giving the ultra-Orthodox a law they can get behind, prompting their exit.

The political shake up comes during Gaza ceasefire talks

The resignations don't take effect for 48 hours, so Netanyahu will likely spend the next two days seeking a compromise. But that won't be easy because the Supreme Court has said the old system of exemptions amounts to discrimination against the secular majority.

That does not mean the government will collapse.

Netanyahu's opponents cannot submit a motion to dissolve parliament until the end of the year because of procedural reasons. And with parliament's summer recess beginning later this month, the parties could use that time to find a compromise and return to the government.

Cabinet Minister Miki Zohar, from Netanyahu’s Likud party, said he was hopeful the religious party could be coaxed back to the coalition. “God willing, everything will be fine,” he said. A Likud spokesman did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Once the departures become official, Netanyahu will have a razor-thin majority. The far-right parties within it could threaten to leave the coalition, further weakening him, if he gives in to too many of Hamas' demands.

Hamas wants a permanent end to the war as part of any ceasefire deal. Netanyahu's hard-line partners are open to a temporary truce, but say the war cannot end until Hamas is destroyed.

If they or any other party leave the coalition, Netanyahu will have a minority government, and that will make it almost impossible to govern and likely lead to its collapse. But he could still find ways to approve a ceasefire deal, including with support from the political opposition.

Israel may be on the path toward early elections

Netanyahu could seek to shore up his coalition by appeasing the far-right and agreeing for now to just a partial, 60-day ceasefire with Hamas, promising his governing partners that he can still resume the war once it expires.

But Netanyahu is balancing those political constraints with pressure from the Trump administration, which is pressing Israel to wrap up the war.

Gayil Talshir, a political scientist at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, said she expects Netanyahu to work during those 60 days to shift the narrative away from the draft exemptions and the war in Gaza, toward something that could potentially give him an electoral boost – like an expansion of US-led normalization deals between Israel and Arab or Muslim countries.

Once the 60-day ceasefire is up, Netanyahu could bend to US pressure to end the war and bring home the remaining hostages in Gaza — a move most Israelis would support.

Elections are currently scheduled for October 2026. But if Netanyahu feels like he has improved his political standing, he may want to call elections before then.