Russia’s ‘Z’ Campaign Drums up Support for ‘Operation’ in Ukraine

A man walks past the symbol "Z" painted on a bus stop in support of the Russian armed forces, as Russia's invasion of Ukraine continues, in Saint Petersburg, Russia March 4, 2022. (Reuters)
A man walks past the symbol "Z" painted on a bus stop in support of the Russian armed forces, as Russia's invasion of Ukraine continues, in Saint Petersburg, Russia March 4, 2022. (Reuters)
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Russia’s ‘Z’ Campaign Drums up Support for ‘Operation’ in Ukraine

A man walks past the symbol "Z" painted on a bus stop in support of the Russian armed forces, as Russia's invasion of Ukraine continues, in Saint Petersburg, Russia March 4, 2022. (Reuters)
A man walks past the symbol "Z" painted on a bus stop in support of the Russian armed forces, as Russia's invasion of Ukraine continues, in Saint Petersburg, Russia March 4, 2022. (Reuters)

It's popped up on bus stops, road signs and even a pram in Russia: a "Z" sign to whip up support for what Moscow describes as its "special military operation" in Ukraine.

The campaign takes as its motifs the distinctive "Z" and "V" markings that Russia displayed in white on the flanks and noses of tanks and armored vehicles that invaded Ukraine on Feb. 24.

The letters - as well as a long diagonal stripe - were assumed to be markers for Russia's army to identify its different force contingents, though that has not been confirmed.

Two weeks into the invasion, Russia's defense ministry is promoting the symbols and on Wednesday published a promotional video called "Z Heroes", using the "V" and "Z" to spell out the words for bravery, heroism and strength in truth.

T-shirts with a "Z" logo are for sale in online shops and on state television station RT's website. A "Z" sign was seen on the front of a pram in the far east Amur region, local media said. The coal-mining region of Kuzbass is now spelling its name with a Latin Z instead of the Russian character.

Supporting armed forces

In the northern Arkhangelsk region, the local legislature beamed a "Z" sign on the side of its building after night fell by turning some of the lights on.

"Any kind of undertaking - in this case a good, correct one - has its symbols. Now those letters are Z and V," an official tasked with youth affairs and patriotic education in Arkhangelsk region told Russia's 29.Ru outlet.

He said the Z stood for "For Victory" and "For Unity", while "V" was the traditional symbol for victory.

"It symbolizes support for our armed forces, support for the president's decisions and it is meant to unite us in this difficult situation," the official, Ivan Zhernakov, was quoted as saying.

The extent of the "Z" campaign's popularity and the scale of public support for Russia's war in Ukraine are hard to gauge, though President Vladimir Putin's ratings are clearly high.

State pollster VTsIOM said on Feb. 28 that almost 70% of people supported the "special military operation" in Ukraine, the term that Russian officials use to describe the offensive.

Almost 14,000 people have been detained at anti-war protests in Russia since Feb. 24 and Russia's communications watchdog has blocked an array of independent media outlets.

Ukraine's Defense Minister Oleksii Reznikov described the Z marking on Twitter as Nazi insignia.



To Get Their Own Cash, People in Gaza Must Pay Middlemen a 40% Cut

A destroyed branch of the Bank of Palestine in the Tal al-Hawa neighborhood of Gaza City is seen Wednesday, July 9, 2025. (AP)
A destroyed branch of the Bank of Palestine in the Tal al-Hawa neighborhood of Gaza City is seen Wednesday, July 9, 2025. (AP)
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To Get Their Own Cash, People in Gaza Must Pay Middlemen a 40% Cut

A destroyed branch of the Bank of Palestine in the Tal al-Hawa neighborhood of Gaza City is seen Wednesday, July 9, 2025. (AP)
A destroyed branch of the Bank of Palestine in the Tal al-Hawa neighborhood of Gaza City is seen Wednesday, July 9, 2025. (AP)

Cash is the lifeblood of the Gaza Strip’s shattered economy, and like all other necessities in this war-torn territory — food, fuel, medicine — it is in extremely short supply.

With nearly every bank branch and ATM inoperable, people have become reliant on an unrestrained network of powerful cash brokers to get money for daily expenses and commissions on those transactions have soared to about 40%.

"The people are crying blood because of this," said Ayman al-Dahdouh, a school director living in Gaza City. "It’s suffocating us, starving us."

At a time of surging inflation, high unemployment and dwindling savings, the scarcity of cash has magnified the financial squeeze on families — some of whom have begun to sell their possessions to buy essential goods.

The cash that is available has even lost some of its luster. Palestinians use the Israeli currency, the shekel, for most transactions. Yet with Israel no longer resupplying the territory with newly printed bank notes, merchants are increasingly reluctant to accept frayed bills.

Gaza’s punishing cash crunch has several root causes, experts say.

To curtail Hamas’ ability to purchase weapons and pay its fighters, Israel stopped allowing cash to enter Gaza at the start of the war. Around the same time, many wealthy families in Gaza withdrew their money from banks and then fled the territory. And rising fears about Gaza’s financial system prompted foreign businesses selling goods into the territory to demand cash payments.

As Gaza’s money supply dwindled and civilians’ desperation mounted, cash brokers' commissions — around 5% at the start of the war — skyrocketed.

Someone needing cash transfers money electronically to a broker and moments later is handed a fraction of that amount in bills. Many brokers openly advertise their services, while others are more secretive. Some grocers and retailers have also begun exchanging cash for their customers.

"If I need $60, I need to transfer $100," said Mohammed Basheer al-Farra, who lives in southern Gaza after being displaced from Khan Younis. "This is the only way we can buy essentials, like flour and sugar. We lose nearly half of our money just to be able to spend it."

In 2024, inflation in Gaza surged by 230%, according to the World Bank. It dropped slightly during the ceasefire that began in January, only to shoot up again after Israel backed out of the truce in March.

Cash touches every aspect of life in Gaza

About 80% of people in Gaza were unemployed at the end of 2024, according to the World Bank, and the figure is likely higher now. Those with jobs are mostly paid by direct deposits into their bank accounts.

But "when you want to buy vegetables, food, water, medication -- if you want to take transportation, or you need a blanket, or anything — you must use cash," al-Dahdouh said.

Shahid Ajjour’s family has been living off of savings for two years after the pharmacy and another business they owned were ruined by the war.

"We had to sell everything just to get cash," said Ajjour, who sold her gold to buy flour and canned beans. The family of eight spends the equivalent of $12 every two days on flour; before the war, that cost less than $4.

Sugar is very expensive, costing the equivalent of $80-$100 per kilogram (2.2 pounds), multiple people said; before the war, that cost less than $2.

Gasoline is about $25 a liter, or roughly $95 a gallon, when paying the lower, cash price.

Bills are worn and unusable

The bills in Gaza are tattered after 21 months of war.

Money is so fragile, it feels as if it is going to melt in your hands, said Mohammed al-Awini, who lives in a tent camp in southern Gaza.

Small business owners said they were under pressure to ask customers for undamaged cash because their suppliers demand pristine bills from them.

Thaeir Suhwayl, a flour merchant in Deir al-Balah, said his suppliers recently demanded he pay them only with brand new 200-shekel ($60) bank notes, which he said are rare. Most civilians pay him with 20-shekel ($6) notes that are often in poor condition.

On a recent visit to the market, Ajjour transferred the shekel equivalent of around $100 to a cash broker and received around $50 in return. But when she tried to buy some household supplies from a merchant, she was turned away because the bills weren’t in good condition.

"So the worth of your $50 is zero in the end," she said.

This problem has given rise to a new business in Gaza: money repair. It costs between 3 and 10 shekels ($1-$3) to mend old bank notes. But even cash repaired with tape or other means is sometimes rejected.

People are at the mercy of cash brokers

After most of the banks closed in the early days of the war, those with large reserves of cash suddenly had immense power.

"People are at their mercy," said Mahmoud Aqel, who has been displaced from his home in southern Gaza. "No one can stop them."

The war makes it impossible to regulate market prices and exchange rates, said Dalia Alazzeh, an expert in finance and accounting at the University of the West of Scotland. "Nobody can physically monitor what’s happening," Alazzeh said.

A year ago, the Palestine Monetary Authority, the equivalent of a central bank for Gaza and the West Bank, sought to ease the crisis by introducing a digital payment system known as Iburaq. It attracted half a million users, or a quarter of the population, according to the World Bank, but was ultimately undermined by merchants insisting on cash.

Israel sought to ramp up financial pressure on Hamas earlier this year by tightening the distribution of humanitarian aid, which it said was routinely siphoned off by militants and then resold.

Experts said it is unclear if the cash brokers’ activities benefit Hamas, as some Israeli analysts claim.

The war has made it more difficult to determine who is behind all sorts of economic activity in the territory, said Omar Shabaan, director of Palthink for Strategic Studies, a Gaza-based think tank.

"It's a dark place now. You don't know who is bringing cigarettes into Gaza," he said, giving just one example. "It's like a mafia."

These same deep-pocketed traders are likely the ones running cash brokerages, and selling basic foodstuffs, he said. "They benefit by imposing these commissions," he said.

Once families run out of cash, they are forced to turn to humanitarian aid.

Al-Farra said that is what prompted him to begin seeking food at an aid distribution center, where it is common for Palestinians to jostle over one other for sacks of flour and boxes of pasta.

"This is the only way I can feed my family," he said.