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Negev Summit Yet to Agree on Joint Statement

Israel’s Foreign Minister Yair Lapid welcomes UAE's Foreign Minister Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed al-Nahyan upon his arrival for the Negev Summit, at Sde Boker in the southern Negev desert on March 27, 2022. (Photo by JACK GUEZ / AFP)
Israel’s Foreign Minister Yair Lapid welcomes UAE's Foreign Minister Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed al-Nahyan upon his arrival for the Negev Summit, at Sde Boker in the southern Negev desert on March 27, 2022. (Photo by JACK GUEZ / AFP)
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Negev Summit Yet to Agree on Joint Statement

Israel’s Foreign Minister Yair Lapid welcomes UAE's Foreign Minister Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed al-Nahyan upon his arrival for the Negev Summit, at Sde Boker in the southern Negev desert on March 27, 2022. (Photo by JACK GUEZ / AFP)
Israel’s Foreign Minister Yair Lapid welcomes UAE's Foreign Minister Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed al-Nahyan upon his arrival for the Negev Summit, at Sde Boker in the southern Negev desert on March 27, 2022. (Photo by JACK GUEZ / AFP)

Six foreign ministers who met in Israel on Sunday have not yet agreed on a joint statement for the Negev Summit, which will conclude on Monday, according to political sources in Tel Aviv.

The sources noted that the officials are having difficulty overcoming the differences regarding the Iranian nuclear program, the war in Ukraine, and the Palestinian cause.

They believe there is consensus on the importance of holding the meeting itself as it brings together the foreign ministers of Israel, the United States, Egypt, the UAE, Morocco, and Bahrain.

The United States, as noted in the statements of Secretary of State Anthony Blinken, is interested in reassuring its Middle East allies that it is remaining in the region.

Washington wants to assert that its position on the Iranian nuclear agreement does not mean that it has abandoned its allies.

Israel wants to appear in a well-established international and regional position, and Arab countries want to express their concerns over the US policies without abandoning their alliance.

Blinken arrived in Israel on Saturday evening and held successive meetings with his counterpart Yair Lapid, Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, President Isaac Herzog, and Defense Minister Benny Gantz.

Bennett voiced Israel's concerns over the possibility of Washington removing Iran's Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) from its list of terror groups as it rejoins the nuclear deal with Tehran.

"The Middle East is changing, and it's changing for the better," Bennett said, adding: "I hope the US will hear concerned voices in the region, from Israel and others, on this issue."

Blinken asserted that "there is no daylight" between the US and Israel on the efforts to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon and countering its threats to the region.

He added that the US would maintain that stance regardless of whether a new nuclear deal is reached.

Blinken also highlighted a different position from the Israeli stance on the Palestinian issue. He asserted Washington's support for a negotiated two-state solution.

The Secretary announced that they discussed ways to foster a peaceful Passover, Ramadan, and Easter across Israel, Gaza, and the West Bank, including working to prevent actions on all sides that could raise tensions such as settlements.

"We're also encouraged to see members of the prime minister's cabinet meeting with Palestinian leaders – including Defense Minister Ganz."

He said that the US administration is "rebuilding America's relationship with the Palestinian Authority and the Palestinian people."

Bennett responded that Israel was "working very hard to improve the lives of the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza," referring to his government's approval of 20,000 workers from Gaza to work in Israel.

Bennett ignored the two-state solution and did not address the discussions about Jordanian efforts to include the Palestinians in the six-party meeting in the Negev.

The six ministers began their meeting on Sunday evening at a joint dinner. They are scheduled to resume talks on Monday morning.

Informed sources in Tel Aviv noted that the Israeli initiative for this meeting came within the framework of seeking to take a leading regional role and pressure the US administration in its negotiations with Iran.

Haaretz editor-in-chief Aluf Benn said the summit of foreign ministers, like the meeting in Sharm el-Sheikh last week, fulfills the vision of the initiators of the peace process 30 years ago.

"This is how Shimon Peres imagined the "new Middle East": open partnerships between Israel and the countries of the region based on common interests, detached from the situation of the Palestinians under Israeli occupation or a comprehensive solution of the conflict."

Benn believed the level of the participants shows that "its significance lies in its very existence" and that "no practical decisions will be made there."

A political source in Ramallah said that Jordan rejected an Israeli proposal to join the Negev summit meeting.

Jordanian Foreign Minister Ayman Safadi said he was ready to participate in the Negev meeting, provided that the Palestinian Foreign Minister, Riyad al-Maliki, participated in it.

But Bennett was not thrilled about this proposal, fearing that he would appear to be involved in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which he vowed to exclude from the government's agenda.

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Arab World

Lebanese Army Chief Faces Labeling Dispute During Washington Visit

Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal during his visit to Washington (Lebanese Army Command)
Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal during his visit to Washington (Lebanese Army Command)
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Lebanese Army Chief Faces Labeling Dispute During Washington Visit

Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal during his visit to Washington (Lebanese Army Command)
Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal during his visit to Washington (Lebanese Army Command)

What was meant to be a routine visit by Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal to Washington to discuss military support and aid coordination turned into a political flashpoint, after a brief meeting with US Senator Lindsey Graham ignited a dispute over whether the army chief would describe Hezbollah as a “terrorist organization.”

The controversy was sparked by a brief meeting with hardline Republican Senator Lindsey Graham, who publicly said he cut the meeting short after Haykal declined to use the designation in what he called the “context of Lebanon.”

What happened in the Graham meeting

In a post on X, Graham said: “I just had a very brief meeting with the Lebanese Chief of Defense General Rodolphe Haykal. I asked him point blank if he believes Hezbollah is a terrorist organization. He said, “No, not in the context of Lebanon.” With that, I ended the meeting.”

“They are clearly a terrorist organization. Hezbollah has American blood on its hands. Just ask the US Marines,” he added.

“They have been designated as a foreign terrorist organization by both Republican and Democrat administrations since 1997 – for good reason.”

“As long as this attitude exists from the Lebanese Armed Forces, I don’t think we have a reliable partner in them.”

“I am tired of the double speak in the Middle East. Too much is at stake,” Graham concluded.

The reaction went beyond expressions of displeasure. Some US coverage suggested Graham effectively raised questions about the “usefulness” of continuing support for the Lebanese army if such a gap persists between the US position and Lebanon’s official language.

Haykal’s answer raises its cost in Washington

Inside Lebanon, the issue is not limited to the stance on Hezbollah. Still, it extends to the army’s role as a unifying institution in a country whose political balance rests on sectarian arrangements and deep sensitivities.

Adopting an external designation, even a US one, in official language by the head of the military could be interpreted domestically as a move that risks triggering political and sectarian division or drawing the army into confrontation with a component that has organized political and popular representation.

That explains why Lebanese voices, including some critics of Hezbollah, defended the logic that “the state does not adopt this classification.” Therefore, the army commander cannot formally do so.

In other words, Haykal sought to avoid two conflicting languages: Washington’s legal and political framing of Hezbollah, and the Lebanese state’s language, which walks a fine line between the demand for exclusive state control over arms and the avoidance of reproducing internal fractures.

US State Department position

Amid the controversy surrounding the Graham meeting, an official US position emerged on Tuesday through the US Embassy in Beirut, welcoming the visit and focusing on the core US message.

The statement said that “the Lebanese Armed Forces’ ongoing work to disarm non-state actors and reinforce national sovereignty as Lebanon’s security guarantor is more important than ever.”

The wording was notable because it separated two levels: continued US reliance on the army as a state institution, and, in practice, linking that reliance to the issue of disarming non-state actors.

The phrase avoids direct naming but, in the Lebanese context, is widely understood to refer primarily to Hezbollah.

The visit’s broader track

Despite the political awkwardness, Haykal’s visit was not reduced to a single meeting. He held senior-level military talks, including meetings with US Central Command chief Admiral Brad Cooper and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Dan Caine.

According to a statement from a Joint Chiefs spokesperson, the meeting “reaffirmed the importance of enduring US defense relationships in the Middle East.”

The visit coincided with broader discussions in Washington on support for the Lebanese army and plans to extend state authority, as international reports spoke of Lebanon entering new phases of a plan to dismantle illegal weapons structures in the south and north.

The army commander’s visit had initially been delayed for reasons that add another layer to understanding Washington’s sensitivity to the military’s language.

In November 2025, sources quoted the US State Department as saying Washington canceled scheduled meetings with the Lebanese army commander after objecting to an army statement on border tensions with Israel, prompting the visit to be postponed to avoid a pre-emptive political failure.

Arab World

Egypt Steps Up Efforts to Support Gaza Administration Committee After Entry Stalled

Displaced Palestinians inspect the damage after Israeli aircraft targeted a five floor house last night, in Khan Younis southern Gaza Strip on February 6, 2026. (AFP)
Displaced Palestinians inspect the damage after Israeli aircraft targeted a five floor house last night, in Khan Younis southern Gaza Strip on February 6, 2026. (AFP)
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Egypt Steps Up Efforts to Support Gaza Administration Committee After Entry Stalled

Displaced Palestinians inspect the damage after Israeli aircraft targeted a five floor house last night, in Khan Younis southern Gaza Strip on February 6, 2026. (AFP)
Displaced Palestinians inspect the damage after Israeli aircraft targeted a five floor house last night, in Khan Younis southern Gaza Strip on February 6, 2026. (AFP)

Egypt is intensifying efforts to back the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza, hoping it can begin operating inside the enclave to implement commitments under the second phase of the ceasefire agreement, which started about two weeks ago but has yet to take shape on the ground.

Experts told Asharq Al-Awsat that those Egyptian efforts, through phone calls and meetings with international partners, are focused on two main objectives: pushing for the deployment of police forces and an international stabilization force on the one hand, and securing a gradual Israeli withdrawal on the other, increasing pressure on Israel to move the agreement forward.

A member of the administration committee said in a brief phone statement to Asharq Al-Awsat, speaking on condition of anonymity, that there is still no specific date for entering the enclave.

In the Slovenian capital, Ljubljana, Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty stressed Cairo’s full support for the work of the committee headed by Dr. Ali Shaath.

He made the remarks during a dialogue session of the Arab-Islamic committee on Gaza with Slovenian Foreign Minister Tanja Fajon.

The foreign ministers of Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Bahrain attended the meeting. Abdelatty stressed the importance of the committee’s role in managing the daily affairs of Gaza’s residents and meeting their basic needs during the transitional phase.

He underscored the need to ensure the continued flow of humanitarian and relief aid into the enclave, as well as the formation and deployment of an international stabilization force to monitor the ceasefire.

Abdelatty reiterated his stance during a phone call on Friday with British Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper.

The Gaza committee, established under the ceasefire agreement, operates under the supervision of the Board of Peace, chaired by US President Donald Trump. The committee has been holding meetings in Cairo since it was announced last month and has yet to enter Gaza.

Ahmed Fouad Anwar, a member of the Egyptian Council for Foreign Affairs and an academic specializing in Israeli affairs, said Egypt is making significant efforts to facilitate the committee’s mission as quickly as possible and enable it to operate.

He said this would limit Israeli obstacles, increase pressure on Israel, and place it under the obligations set out in the plan, particularly withdrawal from Gaza. This would counter intense pressure from Tel Aviv to accelerate the disarmament of Hamas without implementing its Gaza agreement commitments.

Palestinian political analyst Abdel Mahdi Motawea said Israel objected not only to the committee’s work but even to its emblem.

He noted, however, that Israel is not the only party hindering the committee. Hamas and other factions want to impose conditions on the committee’s work.

He warned of serious concerns that the committee could be marginalized, stressing that Egypt’s extensive efforts to support it are crucial at this critical stage of the Gaza agreement.

Hamas announced days ago that it was ready to hand over management of the enclave to the committee, while Israel continues to obstruct it.

Anwar expects the committee to begin operating in the enclave soon if Egypt’s efforts and those of international partners succeed and Washington responds positively.

He warned that the committee's failure would threaten the ceasefire agreement.

Arab World

Gaza Deal Mediators Have Few Options on Hamas Disarmament

Hamas fighters in Gaza City. (AFP)
Hamas fighters in Gaza City. (AFP)
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Gaza Deal Mediators Have Few Options on Hamas Disarmament

Hamas fighters in Gaza City. (AFP)
Hamas fighters in Gaza City. (AFP)

Israel’s demand for the disarmament of Hamas has become the top priority since the second phase of the Gaza agreement began 10 days ago.

It exposed deep uncertainty over how such a step could be enforced amid firm resistance from the movement, which says it will not relinquish its weapons unless progress is made toward establishing a Palestinian state.

Analysts speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat said the issue has left mediators with minimal options, ranging from complete disarmament to freezing weapons, either by persuading Hamas or applying pressure.

The demand has become a political pressure tool that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and others in Israel are likely to use increasingly in the run-up to elections, they added.

Israeli opposition figure Benny Gantz, who is preparing for elections, called on Thursday in a post on X for the “disarmament of Hamas.”

Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz said on Wednesday that Israel will dismantle Hamas if it does not agree to lay down its arms.

Netanyahu, following a meeting on Tuesday with US envoy Steve Witkoff, said he was insisting on the non-negotiable demand to disarm Hamas before any step toward rebuilding Gaza.

Military and strategic analyst Brig. Gen. Samir Ragheb said mediators have few options other than reaching understandings or exerting pressure, noting that the demand to disarm Hamas has been echoed by Israel, Washington, the EU, and donors, and has become an obstacle to ending the war and launching reconstruction.

He said Netanyahu and others would use the issue electorally and as a pretext to collapse the agreement at any time, adding that the second phase is filled with “landmines,” particularly those related to the Israeli withdrawal, which Netanyahu does not want to address.

Strategic and military expert Maj. Gen. Samir Farag said available options are now limited, suggesting that freezing weapons may be more likely than complete disarmament, mainly since Hamas’ arsenal does not consist of missiles or drones and could be handed over.

He said there is US and Israeli insistence on implementing the weapons clause, but that it must coincide with an Israeli withdrawal and guarantees to prevent a new war.

By contrast, sources in Hamas told Reuters on Wednesday that the group had agreed to discuss disarmament with other Palestinian factions, but that neither Washington nor regional mediators had presented it with any detailed or concrete proposal on disarmament.

Israel’s Channel 13 reported in late January that the US was preparing a document granting Hamas several weeks to hand over its weapons to multinational forces within a set timeframe. Failure to comply would give Israel the green light to “act as it sees fit,” the channel said.

Farag stressed that Hamas’ room for maneuver is extremely limited and that it must quickly reach understandings with mediators, particularly Egypt, Qatar, and Türkiye, to resolve what he described as the most significant obstacle currently being created by Israel.

Ragheb said Hamas has no option but to implement US President Donald Trump’s Gaza plan and the disarmament clause, warning against delaying or circumventing it, as “every day lost poses a threat to the ceasefire agreement.”

He added that police forces in the enclave would be deployed within days or weeks, along with a possible stabilization force, leaving little space for further maneuvering.