Saudi Arabia to Start Manufacturing Drones, Eyeing Foreign Exports

Saudi Arabia is boosting advanced military industrial production. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Saudi Arabia is boosting advanced military industrial production. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Saudi Arabia to Start Manufacturing Drones, Eyeing Foreign Exports

Saudi Arabia is boosting advanced military industrial production. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Saudi Arabia is boosting advanced military industrial production. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Saudi Arabia’s INTRA Defense Technologies CEO Abdulsalam Ghamdi said unmanned aircraft systems have become a useful technology for many fields, indicating that a developed country such as the Kingdom cannot ignore its interest in the sector meeting its local needs.

Ghamdi highlighted Saudi Arabia’s interest in investing in manufacturing and exporting drones as the move would help to diversify the Kingdom’s sources of income and develop its capabilities.

In an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, he revealed the details of the Samoom medium-altitude, long-endurance unmanned air vehicle (UAV). INTRA had introduced the drone at the inaugural World Defense Show in Riyadh last month.

“INTRA Defense Technologies launched the Samoom UAV for the first time at the World Defense Show in Riyadh, and it is the first strategic unmanned aircraft that is being designed and developed and will be manufactured in Saudi Arabia,” said Ghamdi.

“Samoom’s operational endurance allows it to conduct up to 50-hour reconnaissance missions with the UAV flying at up to 45,000 ft,” he revealed, adding that it could be ready to serve the Saudi armed forces by 2024.

On expanding production at INTRA, Ghamdi recalled that the company had announced the first UAV factory in the Kingdom, whose production lines will be completed, and manufacturing operations begin in the middle of 2022.

“The production plant will contain the complete infrastructure for manufacturing various airframes using composite materials according to the highest international standards,” revealed Ghamdi.

Worldwide, drones have become an active element in many fields with both civilian and military uses.

“A developed and forward-looking country, such as Saudi Arabia, cannot ignore interest in the UAV industry and in developing its own capabilities to build advanced systems and meet its local needs,” said Ghamdi.

He highlighted Saudi Arabia’s interest in investing in the manufacture and export of drones.

“It is no secret that progress in productive industries enhances national sovereignty and bypasses export restrictions that some countries may impose on supporting materials and systems,” he continued.

He moved on to point out that the production of drones is part of Saudi Arabia’s plan to localize military industries, transfer and localize unmanned aircraft systems, and enhance local content in the military industries sector.

All these objectives top the goals of the Kingdom's Vision 2030.

The Kingdom is at an important stage in the process of digital transformation across various sectors, and this provides the infrastructure needed for making great strides in the field of UAV production.

“There is no doubt that the progress that Saudi Arabia enjoys would benefit all businesses, including the military manufacturing of defense systems and unmanned aircraft, which require a high level of technical readiness,” explained Ghamdi.

Such a headway was achieved thanks to the government’s support under the leadership of Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Salman bin Abdulaziz and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Defense.

As for Saudi defense companies building international ties, Ghamdi said that platforms and exhibitions, such as the World Defense Show, provide local manufacturers with the opportunity to exchange experiences, bridge distances, build partnerships and strengthen relationships with global designers, sector leaders, and stakeholders in the military and security industries.

“These connections would have a positive impact on the Kingdom's ambitions for localizing more than 50% of its military spending by 2030, and could contribute to consolidating the bonds of cooperation that bring the Kingdom together with its partners in the defense industry from around the world,” he noted.

Moreover, major transformations in the Saudi investment environment and the many new regulations and legal and social reforms, have raised the Kingdom's attractiveness and increased its interaction with the growing opportunities in all fields, including the military and security manufacturing sector.

The Kingdom's position as one of the world's most influential countries in the defense industry and its influence on many regional and international files make it an ideal destination for military production.

“Saudi Arabia’s strategic geographical location connects three continents, and places the Kingdom at the center of global supply chains and the heart of logistical equations, as well as being one of the largest international markets in the defense industry and related technologies,” stressed Ghamdi.

The localization of the military industries sector in the Kingdom is at the heart of the goals of Vision 2030.

“During the past four years, the localization rate doubled from 2% in 2016 to 12% by the end of 2021,” revealed Ghamdi, adding that the increased rates bring the Kingdom closer to reaching its 50% goal by 2030.

The high demand from local and international investors to enter Saudi Arabia’s military industries sector proves that the Kingdom is an attractive market for investment, and that the General Authority for Military Industries (GAMI) is working to overcome the difficulties that may face investors in this sector.

In its latest reports, GAMI revealed that the number of licensed companies in the military industries in the Kingdom would increase by 41% by the end of the first half of 2022.



Fakhri Karim: My Complaint to Sistani on Corruption Spurred Suggestion of Saddam-Era Minister

Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Fakhri Karim: My Complaint to Sistani on Corruption Spurred Suggestion of Saddam-Era Minister

Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

In post-Saddam Hussein Iraq, the prime minister's office gained significant power. It became customary for the prime minister to be Shiite, the president Kurdish, and the speaker of Parliament Sunni.

This power-sharing arrangement, focusing on sectarian representation over institutional structure, has remained strong.

Attempts to break this norm have failed, including when former US President Barack Obama and his Vice President Joe Biden tried to support Ayad Allawi, a Shiite politician, for the presidency. The aim was to keep Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki in power with support from both Washington and Tehran.

Despite Allawi’s parliamentary majority win, he didn’t become president.

Arab states were slow to react to changes in Iraq, allowing Iran to step in. Iran supported the US-created Iraqi Governing Council and sought to bring together Shiite factions to join the political process.

Its influence grew due to its backing of groups that opposed Saddam Hussein. Iran gained a key role in Iraq, effectively having veto power over decisions and a say in forming governments, while also expecting an eventual US military withdrawal.

Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, said Iran stepped in to fill a vacuum in Iraq, solidifying its role and protecting its interests.

This made Iran’s Quds Force commander Gen. Qassem Soleimani a key figure in Iraq, shaping everything from the reduction of US military presence to the formation of governments.

A foreign power’s influence in a neighboring country grows only if locals accept its role.

Soleimani and deputy leader of Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis were killed in a US strike near Baghdad airport in January 2020.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Karim noted that Soleimani “was dedicated to serving his country’s interests, and the other side should have defended its own role and interests.”

He recalled Soleimani as being “skilled, effective, and able to earn trust, shifting from flexibility to rigidity when needed.”

This was clear in a letter Soleimani sent to Talabani when he considered supporting a no-confidence motion against Maliki’s government.

Karim also mentioned that al-Muhandis was deeply trusted by the Iranian general.

Talabani assigned his senior adviser various missions in Iran, focusing on forming Iraqi governments and relations with Kurdistan.

During a visit to Tehran, Adil Abdul Mahdi, who would later become prime minister, informed Talabani and Karim that “Soleimani’s claim that Iran supports Nouri al-Maliki for prime minister is false.”

“I was told that Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei supports me,” argued Abdul Mahdi at the time.

Talabani felt awkward despite being close to Abdul Mahdi. He asked Karim to visit Tehran, where he met Soleimani and al-Muhandis. Soleimani denied Abdul Mahdi’s claims, saying he could take Karim to the Supreme Leader to hear the truth.

For his part, Karim said the Supreme Council didn’t support al-Maliki and that influential cleric Moqtada al-Sadr’s stance was hardening. Soleimani assured that the Iranians were in contact with al-Sadr and would handle the issue of the Supreme Council.

When Karim returned, he informed Talabani and Kurdish leader Masoud Barzani that the Badr Organization, led by Hadi al-Amiri, had left the Supreme Council to join Maliki, shifting the balance and allowing the formation of a government without the Council’s interference.

Karim remembered that Iran initially supported Ibrahim al-Jaafari for prime minister (2005-2006). However, Jaafari quickly became a burden on the political process and Shiite leaders then signaled the need for change.

The US Ambassador advised Jaafari to resign, threatening him if he didn't comply.

Maliki’s name wasn’t initially considered; Ali al-Adib from the “Dawa” party, of which Maliki was a member, was the favored choice. But Maliki didn’t support Adib, so after deliberations, the party settled on Maliki instead.

Breakfast with Soleimani

Karim remembers a breakfast meeting with Soleimani and al-Muhandis. He brought up Maliki’s performance during his second term and the widespread corruption in Iraq.

Soleimani suggested discussing it further, but Karim insisted the issue was urgent.

He questioned why, if all major Shiite forces agreed, change couldn’t happen. Soleimani indicated that decisions within the Shiite alliance were made by those who remained in it, prompting Karim to ask if Soleimani was implying it was him. Soleimani then replied : “Think what you wish.”

Sadr’s misstep

In the post-Saddam Hussein era, Sadr emerged as a major political force in Iraq. He led a large popular and armed movement.

Dealing with Sadr was challenging for political factions, especially among Shiites. Some disputes even culminated in armed conflicts. Managing Sadr’s influence was difficult both internally and for external interests, especially given his unpredictability.

When asked about Sadr’s decision to quit politics in 2022, Karim called it a major mistake.

He believed Iraq suffered greatly from this move, as it left parliament without any influential Shiite force capable of standing up against decisions not aligned with common goals.

Karim highlighted that filling seats with losing candidates seemed odd and turned the minority into the majority, undermining the constitutional process. He also noted the Shiite community’s fragmentation, with many Shiites not participating in recent elections due to their disenchantment with the political parties.

Karim warned against underestimating the potential for renewed protests and uprisings among the marginalized against the government and ruling powers.

Sistani’s unexpected proposal

When discussing top Shiite Religious Authority in Iraq, Ali al-Sistani, Karim highlighted his political astuteness, surpassing the majority of other Shiite leaders. Sistani’s Friday sermons, delivered by his representatives, reflect this forward-thinking approach.

Karim noted a key observation about Sistani’s mindset. Despite corruption concerns, Sistani surprised Karim by suggesting bringing back the former Minister of Trade for his effectiveness in managing the ration card distribution.

He even proposed considering a Christian minister if they were honest and prioritized the people’s interests.

Furthermore, Sistani emphasized the importance of inclusivity in the new Iraq, advocating for the rights of Sunni and Kurdish components. He rejected marginalization and insisted on their participation and rights.

Sistani’s fatwa and the PMF

Karim believes that Sistani issued a fatwa on “jihad” to rally people against the significant threat posed by ISIS in 2014. He didn’t specifically mention the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) or any other organization but referred to volunteers.

“Many responded to Sistani’s call and made significant sacrifices alongside the armed forces and Peshmerga. Volunteers participated in liberating areas once occupied by the terror group,” said Karim.

Karim further noted that there was a belief that those who made sacrifices had the right to be part of the armed forces and receive state support.

“The idea of integrating militias or military entities into the armed forces is not new,” explained Karim.

“US diplomat Paul Bremer [the first post-invasion governor of Iraq] proposed something similar to factions and organizations under the banner of integration into the army, and steps were taken in this direction,” he added.

“The goal was to eliminate the threat of ISIS, not to create a parallel army or establish another institution.”