Back to the Land: Lebanese Family Turns to Farming to Survive Crises

Qassem Shreim, 42, picks tomatoes growing in a greenhouse in Bani Haiyyan village, southern Lebanon June 7, 2022. Picture taken June 7, 2022. (Reuters)
Qassem Shreim, 42, picks tomatoes growing in a greenhouse in Bani Haiyyan village, southern Lebanon June 7, 2022. Picture taken June 7, 2022. (Reuters)
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Back to the Land: Lebanese Family Turns to Farming to Survive Crises

Qassem Shreim, 42, picks tomatoes growing in a greenhouse in Bani Haiyyan village, southern Lebanon June 7, 2022. Picture taken June 7, 2022. (Reuters)
Qassem Shreim, 42, picks tomatoes growing in a greenhouse in Bani Haiyyan village, southern Lebanon June 7, 2022. Picture taken June 7, 2022. (Reuters)

In a remote village in southern Lebanon, Qassem Shreim crouched low to examine his wheat crop. Food costs have soared amid a global wheat crisis and Lebanon's own economic meltdown, but the builder-turned-farmer feels shielded by his self-sufficiency.

Like many families in crisis-plagued Lebanon, Shreim turned to farming after the local pound began to slip in 2019, making his construction work scarce and his grocery runs ever more costly.

"We couldn't work, so what did we do? We turned to agriculture," the 42-year-old told Reuters in his home village of Houla, near the border with Israel.

Food prices have jumped 11-fold since Lebanon's crisis began, the World Food Program says. Lebanese authorities have incrementally increased an official price cap on loaves of the staple pita bread and fears of a wheat shortage have grown since Russia's invasion of Ukraine derailed grain shipments.

That crisis feels worlds away in Shreim's humble home, where slices of melon picked from their garden glisten in the afternoon sun and the kitchen is stocked with flatbread baked by his wife, Khadija, using wheat from their land.

Their front patio and hallway have been turned into a makeshift shop, where wooden stalls made by Khadija bear fat watermelons and jars of freshly-pressed grape leaves.

"Self-sufficiency starts at home. I used to buy everything from the shops. Today all the vegetables I need are available here," said Shreim.

No going back
Over the last three years, his family has planted everything from wheat and lentils to tiny eggplants and curled green chili peppers.

The plots are at a lower altitude, where water is more plentiful, and regularly rotated to replenish nutrients in the soil while maximizing the number of harvests.

But Shreim wasn't born with green fingers: he learned how to set up greenhouses by watching YouTube videos and has gathered tips and tricks from other farmers.

Khadija, 39, has also relied on technology to run the shop.

She sends daily grocery prices every morning to the women of al-Houla through a WhatsApp messenger group by 9 am, and they message back with their requests.

"They call me the mayor of the village here, I know everyone," said Khadija.

For her, sustainability goes beyond farming. She encourages customers to come with their own fabric bags to minimize use of plastic bags and researches preserving techniques on YouTube.

"As the crisis worsens, I invent new things. For example, I turned what I had remaining from the small eggplants into jam. You wouldn't believe it - people would tell me 'what do you mean by eggplant jam?' I couldn't keep up with orders," she said.

Still, Shreim's operation is not entirely untouched by Lebanon's crisis.

Their home gets one hour of state-provided electricity every day and another four hours from a private generator, which limits how much water they can pump into their gardens.

Rains were plentiful last winter but Shreim fears a drier winter this time around could wreak havoc on next year’s crops.

They have cut back on vitamins and some pesticides for cost reasons. Before the crisis, farmers often trucked their produce to Beirut, where they could sell at higher prices.

"Today, it's different - if I want to take products down to Beirut's wholesale market for fruits and vegetables, and assuming the car doesn't break down, the cost of fuel would be what I earn in an entire season," Shreim said.

The tractor he uses to plough his fields runs on diesel and he counts "every second" that he runs it.

But Shreim shrugged off such worries.

"I won't go back to my old job... I want to continue. Farming has a future," he said.



In Türkiye, Mass Protests Give Vent to Long Simmering Anger

People protest against the arrest of Istanbul mayor and presidential candidate Ekrem Imamoglu at Beursplein in Amsterdam, The Netherlands, 22 March 2025. (EPA)
People protest against the arrest of Istanbul mayor and presidential candidate Ekrem Imamoglu at Beursplein in Amsterdam, The Netherlands, 22 March 2025. (EPA)
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In Türkiye, Mass Protests Give Vent to Long Simmering Anger

People protest against the arrest of Istanbul mayor and presidential candidate Ekrem Imamoglu at Beursplein in Amsterdam, The Netherlands, 22 March 2025. (EPA)
People protest against the arrest of Istanbul mayor and presidential candidate Ekrem Imamoglu at Beursplein in Amsterdam, The Netherlands, 22 March 2025. (EPA)

The massive street protests gripping Türkiye may have been triggered by the arrest of Istanbul's popular opposition mayor, but they reflect a much broader sense of frustration, observers say.

"There is a great anger. People are spontaneously taking to the streets. Some young people are being politicized for the first time in their lives," said Yuksel Taskin, a lawmaker from the main opposition CHP.

Wednesday's arrest of Mayor Ekrem Imamoglu -- President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's most powerful political rival -- came just days before the CHP was to formally name him their candidate for the 2028 presidential race.

The move sparked a wave of protest which spread within 48 hours to more than two-thirds of Türkiye’s 81 provinces, even including strongholds of Erdogan's ruling AKP such as the central area of Konya, as well as Trabzon and Rize on the Black Sea.

Despite a ban on protests and a heavy police presence on the streets, huge crowds of protesters have taken to the streets, including many university students who are not normally seen as politically engaged.

The protests are the biggest in Türkiye since the massive demonstrations of 2013, which began at Istanbul's Gezi Park to protest its demolition and spread across almost the entire country.

"The feeling of being trapped -- economically, socially, politically, and even culturally -- was already widespread," Kemal Can, journalist and author of numerous books on Turkish society told AFP.

Imamoglu's arrest, he said, had sparked a strong reaction, "especially among young people worried about their future in a country where freedoms are increasingly restricted. It's a reaction that goes well beyond Imamoglu."

"We're the children of the 'raiders' who have now grown up," reads a slogan carried by many young protesters, using an old-fashioned term that Erdogan coined for the 2013 Gezi Park protesters when he was prime minister.

"This is not only about the CHP, but about everyone. The question is whether Türkiye will live under an authoritarian regime or be a democratic country," said Ilhan Uzgel, who handles the party's external relations.

In a bid to highlight the non-partisan nature of the protest movement, the CHP has invited all Turks, not just party members, to join its symbolic primary vote on Sunday when Imamoglu is to be named the party's presidential candidate.

"We are determined to hold this primary although (the government) is trying to block it. But it will go ahead," insisted Uzgel.

The pro-Kurdish opposition DEM, the third party in parliament, has also thrown its support behind the protests which have taken place for three nights in a row outside Istanbul City Hall.

"By using the judiciary, they are trying to reshape the opposition in order to consolidate the regime," explained DEM lawmaker Ibrahim Akin.

DEM is regularly accused by the government of having ties with the banned Kurdish militant PKK, which is blacklisted by Ankara as a terror group.

But in recent months, the Turkish government has sought to end the decades-long conflict and last month, jailed PKK founder Abdullah Ocalan urged his fighters to lay down their weapons and disband.

"For several years, the government has sought to split the opposition, or keep it tied up with internal issues. It has succeeded several times. But this time, the opposition has thwarted this strategy," said Can.

For Gonul Tol of the Washington-based Middle East Institute, the government's efforts to "drive a wedge" between DEM and CHP through its peace overtures towards the PKK had clearly failed, after DEM came out strongly against Imamoglu's arrest.

"The government now seems to be seeing how long this wave of discontent will last, hoping to weaken it through pressure, protest bans and arrests," said Can.

"If the opposition gives in to threats from the authorities who are accusing it of provoking the street, and gives the impression its determination has weakened, the government will increase the pressure," he said.

"The coming days will be crucial."