Memoirs of Late Lebanese Prime Minister Saeb Salam (Part 1): I Expressed my Objection to Hafez al-Assad to Syria’s Political, Military Role in Lebanon

Saeb Salam in Damascus with President Hafez al-Assad and Abdel Halim Khaddam.
Saeb Salam in Damascus with President Hafez al-Assad and Abdel Halim Khaddam.
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Memoirs of Late Lebanese Prime Minister Saeb Salam (Part 1): I Expressed my Objection to Hafez al-Assad to Syria’s Political, Military Role in Lebanon

Saeb Salam in Damascus with President Hafez al-Assad and Abdel Halim Khaddam.
Saeb Salam in Damascus with President Hafez al-Assad and Abdel Halim Khaddam.

Asharq Al-Awsat publishes three episodes of the memoirs of late Lebanese Prime Minister Saeb Salam, covering important stages of the Lebanese crisis, from the entry of Syrian forces into Lebanon in 1976 to the Israeli invasion of the South in 1982.

The memoirs reflect the late premier’s frankness in evaluating the role of Arab and Lebanese leaders and his attempts to bring the views closer, to ensure Islamic-Christian consensus, and to preserve Lebanon’s position as an independent country away from conflicts.

The memoirs are issued in three parts by Hachette Antoine publishing house, and will be available in Lebanon starting June 28 and on the Antoine Online website.

In this episode, Salam presents the circumstances of the election of President Elias Sarkis and the entry of the Syrian forces. He recounts his communication during that period with Syrian President Hafez al-Assad and with Lebanese and Palestinian officials.

He recounted that on May 10, 1976, immediately after the election of Elias Sarkis, a meeting was held at his office, in the presence of MPs Raymond Edde, Emile Rouhana Saqr, Jamil Kebbi, Mohammad Youssef Beydoun, Mikhail Al-Daher, Hussein Al-Husseini, Hassan Al-Rifai and Albert Mansour, who had all boycotted the elections.

“After deliberation, we issued a very calm and brief statement calling for patience; it was noticed that Raymond Edde took the loss in a very good spirit, and seemed less affected than others by what happened,” he said, as translated from the official Arabic version.

Salam continued: “But on the following Monday, we decided to step up a bit, so we gathered and issued a statement warning against the continuation of the conspiracy… This is because people have begun to get fed up with the lack of progress since Sarkis was elected, knowing that the general feeling that prevailed after his election - despite the bitterness and oppression - was hope for a breakthrough.”

He said that at that time, Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat (Abu Ammar) and his comrades in the resistance felt very upset, so they asked for a summit in Aramoun.

“It was decided to send Mr. Musa al-Sadr to Damascus in an attempt to convey to the Syrians our feelings of concern as a result of their military intervention, especially because of what happened in Tripoli,” he stated.

“At the end of the summit meeting, an argument erupted between me and Mufti Sheikh Hassan Khaled… I was very harsh on him, especially since I was in pain at his (and Karami’s) flattering stance towards Syria, and at the time of the argument I withdrew from the meeting. This caused an uproar in the newspapers and in public opinion,” Salam recounted.

The Syrian Army in Lebanon

In his memoirs Salam described the entry of the Syrian forces to Lebanon on the first of June 1976, from the north and the east of the country, under the pretext of protecting the Christians.

“Whatever the case, despite the fact that many Islamic and Palestinian parties were looking at the increasing Syrian intervention in recent months with apprehension, considering it a prelude to a massive military presence, the desperate situation led people to wish that any armies would come to stop the mass massacre and achieve salvation. The question today, after what happened, is whether salvation will be at the hands of the Syrian army, or will things escalate in Lebanon, and then in Syria, as some talk about the existence of an American-international conspiracy that aims to tear Lebanon apart, and then implicate the Syrians to tear Syria apart as well?”

Salam noted that when the entry of the Syrian army became a reality, Kamal Jumblatt and the resistance held many meetings, and issued many violent and escalatory statements with threats of confrontation.

“The difficult days were those that followed the entry of the Syrian forces, as the military and political events succeeded… and the ‘Palestinian resistance’ seemed forced to fight many battles, whether on the front with the Syrians, or with the Phalanges and their allies,” he said.

The assassination of Kamal Jumblatt and its repercussions

Salam recounted that on March 16, 1977, Kamal Jumblatt was assassinated on Mukhtara Road in the Chouf region. He said that the event constituted a great shock throughout the country.

“An immediate angry reaction from the Chouf Druze people claimed the lives of more than one hundred Christians, especially in the village of Mazraat al-Chouf, near Mukhtara,” he said.

He added: “It was clear that the country was on the verge of a great strife, perhaps greater than any other strife it knew, due to Jumblatt’s position in Lebanon, and because of the complexity of Lebanese circumstances…”

The late premier said that in view of the escalating tension, he rushed to cooperate with the Phalange Party (Kataeb), in an attempt to quell the fire of sedition.

“We have succeeded in that to the greatest extent. Especially since Walid Jumblatt, son of the late leader, immediately appeared sane and wise, and decided to bury his father the next day, after the National Movement parties had decided to postpone the burial until Sunday, inflaming the reactions,” he remarked.

The visit of Assad and Sadat

Salam recounted details of his meetings with Assad in 1977: “Before the assassination of Kamal Jumblatt, I was determined to go to Egypt to meet President Anwar Sadat, after the delayed response I was waiting for from Syria regarding a meeting I requested with President Hafez al-Assad… Suddenly, as I was preparing to travel to Egypt, I received a telegram from Mr. Abdel Halim Khaddam stating that President Assad will receive us in the Syrian capital on Saturday, March 19.

“As usual, I was frank with President al-Assad, so I explained to him all my complaints about their actions in Lebanon, militarily and politically. He did not hesitate to tell me that he takes this into consideration... However, I had the feeling that he is now acting on the basis of the new reality, that is, his feeling that he has drowned the Syrian army is in the Lebanese swamp, and that this makes him anxious, and thus hardens his stance further.”

As for his meeting with Egyptian President Anwar Sadat, Salam recounted:
“During the meeting, I felt that Sadat was very optimistic about his upcoming encounter with US President Jimmy Carter. I told him that I, in turn, was optimistic…

Salam said that Sadat told him that they were about to clash militarily with Israel because of its aggression in the Gulf of Suez, and that the battleships and planes were about to collide, but Carter intervened, confirming that the area was and will remain Egyptian.

“Sadat said that he insisted on playing all his cards with the Americans; because he believes that the key to resolving the conflict with Israel is entirely in the hands of America. As for the Soviets, they are only obliged to go along with Washington,” he noted in his memoirs.

“With regard to Lebanon, Anwar Sadat told me, as Lebanese President Elias Sarkis had previously confirmed during my meeting with him a few days ago, that it was the Syrians who assassinated Kamal Jumblatt,” Salam revealed.

He added: “When the meeting ended, and while President Sadat was bidding farewell to me, he warned me again that I might be assassinated, and told me that I should be aware of the Syrians.”

Salam said that the following weeks continued with political maneuvers and instability in the Islamic ranks.

“The ‘Palestinian resistance’ continued to sink into the swamp of the Lebanese situation, in parallel with growing resentment of the citizens... Meanwhile, the Syrian army was strengthening its presence in Lebanon. It was clear that Syria had become the center of gravity in the Lebanese reality. As for Israel, it was interfering from time to time.

“On the Arab level, the situation went in ups and downs... I was getting stricter towards “Abu Ammar” and his group, because I was keen on them as much as I was keen on and Lebanon as a whole, but they did not want to heed my advice.”



Where Does Israel’s Destruction of Underground Hezbollah Base Leave the Group?

Destroyed stones on the top of Ali al-Taher ridge, which Israeli forces captured after fighting with Hezbollah and where the Israeli military said it blew up a network of Hezbollah tunnels Thursday night near Nabatieh, southern Lebanon, Friday, Sept. 11, 2026. (AP)
Destroyed stones on the top of Ali al-Taher ridge, which Israeli forces captured after fighting with Hezbollah and where the Israeli military said it blew up a network of Hezbollah tunnels Thursday night near Nabatieh, southern Lebanon, Friday, Sept. 11, 2026. (AP)
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Where Does Israel’s Destruction of Underground Hezbollah Base Leave the Group?

Destroyed stones on the top of Ali al-Taher ridge, which Israeli forces captured after fighting with Hezbollah and where the Israeli military said it blew up a network of Hezbollah tunnels Thursday night near Nabatieh, southern Lebanon, Friday, Sept. 11, 2026. (AP)
Destroyed stones on the top of Ali al-Taher ridge, which Israeli forces captured after fighting with Hezbollah and where the Israeli military said it blew up a network of Hezbollah tunnels Thursday night near Nabatieh, southern Lebanon, Friday, Sept. 11, 2026. (AP)

Israel's demolition on Thursday of a tunnel network used by Hezbollah as a command center in southern Lebanon, near the border, represents a significant setback for the Iran-backed group.

Experts said that while Hezbollah is far from defeated, the group was now exposed after two fierce wars with Israel in which it suffered major blows including the loss of much of its top leadership and Israel's occupation of parts of southern Lebanon.

- How big of a blow is it? -

A week after capturing the site, the Israeli military on Thursday demolished the tunnels in the Ali al-Taher ridge with huge explosions. The United States Geological Survey reported a 4.1 magnitude tremor in the area.

Hezbollah never acknowledged losing the strategic highland, which lies around 10 kilometers (six miles) from the border with Israel and overlooks the major city of Nabatieh.

The Israeli military previously said that the network comprised tunnels containing dozens of Iranian-made rockets, missiles and drones, as well as other weapons.

Experts say the tunnels, built over two decades, connected a network of villages in the area, and that the Israeli military now had easy access to Nabatieh, where Hezbollah holds sway.

"This is a major loss, they cannot make another (headquarters) like it for decades to come," Khalil Gemayel, a retired Lebanese general told AFP.

"Hezbollah is now exposed in the area around the ridge," he added.

Reacting to the tunnels' destruction on Friday, Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz said: "Now there is a strong security zone, stronger than ever before, which protects the communities from attack and direct fire, and enables us to maintain control and threaten Hezbollah deep inside the area".

- Is Hezbollah militarily defeated? -

While a significant moment, Gemayel believed that "losing Ali al-Taher does not mean Hezbollah is broken".

Israel occupies a swathe of southern Lebanon, where Hezbollah built a now-dismantled network of tunnels near the border.

The group still maintains its major positions in Iqlim al-Tuffah -- a higher-altitude part of the south further away from Israel -- in the Jezzine highlands elsewhere in the south and in the Bekaa region in Lebanon's east and northeast.

"The facilities present in Iqlim al-Tuffah are bigger than (Ali al-Taher)," according to Gemayel.

But Hezbollah no longer has a weapons supply route through Syria, where the new authorities there are hostile to the group.

Military expert Hassan Jouni also said that "the fact that Hezbollah did not carry out a major operation in Ali al-Taher to defend it is a sign of weakness".

Hezbollah has not claimed any attacks on Israel and its troops since June 20 while Lebanon reports regular, sometimes deadly Israeli strikes despite a months-long truce.

Israel has accused the group of attacks on its troops in that time.

- Where does the group stand now? -

Hezbollah twice sparked wars with Israel in recent years, the first time with its attacks in support of Hamas during the Gaza war, and the second in March in support of Iran.

Jouni said that while "Hezbollah lost a solid, fortified defensive base" when Israel took Ali al-Taher, "it is not a devastating setback".

"It has gone through unprecedented setbacks before the issue of Ali al-Taher, especially with the assassinations and the (Israeli army)'s ability to occupy a vast area" of southern Lebanon, he said.

During these wars, Hezbollah lost several of its top commanders, including its former chief, while an Israeli operation in September 2024 saw hundreds of Hezbollah pagers and walkie-talkies explode, paralyzing the group's communication systems while killing dozens and wounding thousands.

More than 8,900 people have been killed in Israeli attacks since 2023, according to Lebanon's health ministry. Hezbollah does not disclose how many fighters it has lost, but most people killed in the war have been adult men.

On top of these setbacks, Hezbollah is also dealing with a Lebanese president and prime minister who have vowed to disarm it.

The group's weapons have long been a point of contention in the country, with critics accusing it of using them to support Iran's regional agenda to the detriment of Lebanon.

Hezbollah is also facing some scrutiny from its core support base, the Shiite community.

In online petitions posted earlier this month, hundreds of Lebanese public figures, including legal experts and human rights advocates, called for Lebanon's army to be deployed in Nabatieh and Tyre, two of southern Lebanon's largest cities.

"This city does not belong to any political group," said the signatories in the Nabatieh petition, referring to Hezbollah.


Fall of Mokha Leaves Humanitarian Crisis in Its Wake, Threatens Shipping

The Houthi escalation has forced thousands of Yemeni families to flee their homes. (AFP)
The Houthi escalation has forced thousands of Yemeni families to flee their homes. (AFP)
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Fall of Mokha Leaves Humanitarian Crisis in Its Wake, Threatens Shipping

The Houthi escalation has forced thousands of Yemeni families to flee their homes. (AFP)
The Houthi escalation has forced thousands of Yemeni families to flee their homes. (AFP)

Those who had not fled the southwestern Yemeni coastal city of Mokha awoke Thursday to a grim military and humanitarian reality after the Houthi group seized full control of the city and its strategic port and extended its reach toward the Bab al-Mandeb Strait.

As military developments accelerate, threatening international shipping, the humanitarian crisis is worsening, pushing tens of thousands of civilians to the brink.

With little time to consider their options, thousands of civilians in western Taiz and southern Hodeidah were forced to flee after the Houthis carried out raids and arrests in villages and communities they had entered, amid fears of reprisals and reports of looting targeting residents and their property.

Mokha endured a night of panic after residents and wounded fighters were told to evacuate their homes and flee following the Houthis’ announcement that they had seized the Khalid camp and Jabal al-Nar, east of the city. Houthi forces also continued advancing through the Mawza district, which borders the coastal strip to the east, making the city’s encirclement from all sides appear only a matter of time.

Warnings broadcast over loudspeakers and radio communications triggered widespread panic during the first hours of the night and continued into the morning.

Residents described harrowing scenes of thousands of families fleeing villages and areas in western Taiz and southern Hodeidah, some on foot and others in cars or on motorcycles. Some took whatever livestock and possessions they could save.

They told Asharq Al-Awsat that, for many families, displacement was not planned but an urgent flight from fear, forcing them to leave behind their homes, land and livelihoods.

Those unable to leave found themselves trapped amid fear and uncertainty as raids and arrests continued, according to residents, alongside reports of looting and theft.

Confusion and flight

Human rights activist Amina Mohammed told Asharq Al-Awsat that she was preparing dinner for her family when they learned of warnings to evacuate the city.

The news threw everyone in the house into confusion. Initially unable to believe the warnings, they went outside to check and were confronted by scenes of panic, with hundreds of people of all ages running south.

Mohammed and her family immediately returned home, gathered whatever belongings they could and joined the exodus. By sunrise, they had reached Yemen’s interim capital, Aden. The road between Mokha and Aden remained heavily congested until late Thursday.

Medical sources, who fled after the Houthi takeover, said armed fighters stormed hospitals and health facilities as soon as they took control of the city. They detained wounded patients and began questioning them as suspected fighters in an effort to obtain military information.

The fighters also searched records and documents and ordered administrative staff to disclose patients’ medical information.

The sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that doctors, nurses and other hospital workers were also detained and questioned, prompting many medical personnel, who were not on duty during the raids, to flee the city.

The Houthis also carried out a wave of arrests in streets, homes, shops and public facilities, prompting most remaining residents to stay indoors.

Humanitarian shock

Mohammed al-Zaghrouri was saying goodbye to the manager of his new motorcycle spare-parts shop, which he had opened only weeks earlier, and preparing to spend the evening with friends he had met since arriving in Mokha. The manager was heading home to spend the night with his family.

Suddenly, both men changed course and headed for Aden.

Al-Zaghrouri told Asharq Al-Awsat that they were stunned by the sight of frightened residents running through the streets. Within seconds, they realized they too had to join them.

They rushed back to the shop to retrieve whatever cash and small valuables they could carry. Within hours, al-Zaghrouri was driving out of the city with the manager and his family, lamenting the effort and money they had left behind.

Mokha’s fall was more than a military shift. It dealt a severe humanitarian blow reflected in immediate UN assessments.

According to the United Nations Population Fund, escalating fighting in Taiz and along Yemen’s West Coast displaced about 40,000 people. The International Organization for Migration said the sharp escalation had forced more than 18,500 people to flee within days, with the numbers rising by the hour.

The IOM also warned of dangerous “secondary displacement” affecting families that had previously settled in camps in districts, including Hays and Mawza, only to find themselves fleeing fighting once again.

Field reports by rights groups indicated that those escaping faced extremely harsh conditions, with more than 100 families forced to spend the night among rocky outcrops and rugged mountain areas in western rural Taiz without basic necessities.

The displacement coincided with stringent Houthi restrictions that prevented some residents in combat zones from leaving, amid accusations that civilians were being used as human shields.

Pledge to counter terrorist threats

As displacement continues, families who have fled need safety, shelter, food, water and fuel, as well as protection and assistance in reuniting relatives separated during their escape, particularly children and older people.

Separately, local authorities in the interim capital, Aden, and the governorates of Abyan and Lahj issued a joint statement saying the armed forces had overcome the initial shock and confusion, regained their balance and were fully prepared to confront any challenges.

The statement cited broad popular support and public momentum to confront the Houthis and thwart the ambitions of the “Iranian project in the region.”

The authorities said they continued to monitor security conditions and public services, while state institutions remained operational. They pledged to counter terrorist threats, protect citizens and property, and preserve security and stability in coordination with the relevant government, security and military bodies.

They urged residents to remain calm and vigilant, disregard rumors, obtain information from official sources, cooperate with the relevant authorities and report any suspicious movements or activities.


'Second Life': Nepal Tunnel Survivor Recalls Ordeal

A man carrying his belongings walks past a damaged house in the aftermath of flash floods at Trishuli in Nepal's Nuwakot district on September 11, 2026. (Photo by Prakash MATHEMA / AFP)
A man carrying his belongings walks past a damaged house in the aftermath of flash floods at Trishuli in Nepal's Nuwakot district on September 11, 2026. (Photo by Prakash MATHEMA / AFP)
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'Second Life': Nepal Tunnel Survivor Recalls Ordeal

A man carrying his belongings walks past a damaged house in the aftermath of flash floods at Trishuli in Nepal's Nuwakot district on September 11, 2026. (Photo by Prakash MATHEMA / AFP)
A man carrying his belongings walks past a damaged house in the aftermath of flash floods at Trishuli in Nepal's Nuwakot district on September 11, 2026. (Photo by Prakash MATHEMA / AFP)

For 10 days, Nepali hydropower worker Sanjay Sah survived in darkness inside a flooded tunnel, drinking muddy water and losing all sense of time as he desperately prayed for rescue.

When a disaster response team finally pulled him to safety on September 4, Sah's first question showed how deeply the ordeal had disoriented him, said AFP.

"When I was rescued I first asked, how many days has it been?" Sah, 30, told AFP in an interview, while on his way back home in Saptari district Sunday.

"He said that it has been 10 days. I thought it had been just a few days."

Sah was among hundreds of workers at a series of hydropower projects hit by the catastrophic August 26 flood, triggered by a glacial mountain collapse on the China-Nepal border.

Sah's extraordinary survival was a rare ray of hope after a disaster that killed at least 1,429 people and left more than 5,640 missing, the majority in Nepal.

Struggling to hold back tears as friends and family welcomed him with garlands and a cake, Sah recalled how the disaster struck with stunning speed.

"I was on duty, and then suddenly an unthinkable flood hit us, with tsunami-like waves that were several meters tall," he said.

Workers had received warnings that floodwaters were approaching, but did not get enough time to escape, he said.

"We did get information to stay alert, that a big flood is coming. As much as possible, we tried to be alert and evacuate our friends," Sah said.

"But the water did not give us much time... we shut down everything, and tried to rescue and evacuate our friends."

Within minutes, however, the tunnel was engulfed by raging waters.

The sheer scale of the flood was unlike anything witnesses had seen before, with the government pointing the finger at the dire impact of rising global temperatures on Nepal's Himalayan mountains.

- 'Divine energy' -

Separated from his colleagues, Sah found himself stranded with little idea whether anyone would ever reach him.

His Hindu faith helped carry him through the days of darkness and isolation.

"I survived because of my deep belief and confidence," he said.

"I was chanting Maha Mantra (Hindu prayers), and the divine energy I received because of that allowed me to not be scared or despair," he said.

"I was able to stay there."

With no clean water to drink, he survived on whatever he could find.

"There was water, but it was muddy," he said. "I only had that."

The darkness and isolation might have been overwhelming, but Sah was not entirely alone.

Another trapped worker, Kabir Maharjan, 45, had survived nearby.

"We were separated but speaking to each other."

The ability to hear another human voice offered a lifeline to Sah.

Eventually, after days of excavation and painstaking rescue efforts, search teams broke through to the trapped men and brought them out alive.

Sah's wife, Lakshmi Kumari Sah, said she never gave up hope of seeing her husband again.

"God has helped us, we had our hopes," she said, holding her daughter in her arms.

Sah, who spent several days recuperating in a Kathmandu hospital, says he has mixed emotions.

"I am happy, but I feel sad too," he said. "I was able to get a second life, to survive there. But many of our friends were there."

As rescuers continue searching through the tunnels, Sah urged authorities not to abandon the effort.

One Chinese worker was rescued on September 5, the day after Sah -- but no signs of life have been heard since.

"I hope the government continues its search and rescue. It is possible there might still be someone alive," he said.

"Or they will be able to find bodies of friends who have passed away and hand them over to their families."