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New Maliki Recording Reveals Coordination with Militia to Confront Sadrists

Iraqi Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr speaks after preliminary results of Iraq's parliamentary election were announced in Najaf, Iraq October 11, 2021. (Reuters)
Iraqi Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr speaks after preliminary results of Iraq's parliamentary election were announced in Najaf, Iraq October 11, 2021. (Reuters)
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New Maliki Recording Reveals Coordination with Militia to Confront Sadrists

Iraqi Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr speaks after preliminary results of Iraq's parliamentary election were announced in Najaf, Iraq October 11, 2021. (Reuters)
Iraqi Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr speaks after preliminary results of Iraq's parliamentary election were announced in Najaf, Iraq October 11, 2021. (Reuters)

A new damning voice recording of Iraqi former Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki has been released.

The fifth recording of what is now known in Iraq as the "Maliki WikiLeaks" revealed that the former PM was discussing partnering up with an armed Shiite faction to wage a confrontation with the Sadrist movement, led by influential Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr.

The new recording will only deepen the dispute between the rivals. Other leaks have Maliki severely criticizing Sadr, which prompted the cleric to demand that he turn himself over to the judiciary and quit political life.

In the latest recording, Maliki is heard having discussions with representatives of a largely unknown Shiite faction, the "Ummet al-Akhyar", whose religious reference is known as "Ayatollah al-Mirza".

One of the members of the group, “Abu Hassan”, was heard offering allegiance to Maliki to “shed blood”.

The hours-long conversation between the group and Maliki revealed that the faction enjoys support among Shiites in central and southern Iraq.

Maliki is also heard speaking of his “good” relationship with Qais Khazali, leader of the Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq militia, which is designated as terrorist by the United States.

He also said that the leaders of the Fatah Alliance, led by Hadi al-Ameri, Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq, Kataib Hezbollah, Kataib Sayyid al-Shuhada, and Badr Organization are directly affiliated to Iran and “care about nothing but farms and money. They are in a different world.”

Maliki also called on armed factions to adhere to the Iranian Revolutionary Guards and steer away from the orders of the Iranian Intelligence Ministry

On the ground, tensions have mounted between Sadr and Maliki supporters, especially after the cleric revealed that he had received death threats.

Maliki’s Dawa Party issued a statement on Tuesday calling for “putting out the strife” and accusing “internal and foreign secret agencies” of seeking to fuel strife and inter-Shiite fighting.

He insisted that the recordings were fabricated and fake.

Local media reported that the residence of Mahmoud al-Salami, an MP from Maliki’s coalition, was attacked by gunmen.

The attack on his home in the Dhi Qar province led to material damage, said a security source.

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Uncertain Future for the PFLP-GC in Post-Assad Syria

Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Damascus on April 18 (AP) 
Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Damascus on April 18 (AP) 
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Uncertain Future for the PFLP-GC in Post-Assad Syria

Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Damascus on April 18 (AP) 
Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Damascus on April 18 (AP) 

The brief detention of Talal Naji, Secretary-General of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command (PFLP-GC), by Syrian authorities has renewed scrutiny over the status of Palestinian factions still operating in Syria, particularly those that aligned with the former Assad regime.

Naji’s arrest and swift release come amid a major political realignment following the collapse of Bashar al-Assad’s government in December 2024. Once one of the most active and heavily armed Palestinian groups in Syria, the PFLP-GC now faces an uncertain future, along with other factions that were long tolerated—or even supported—under Assad’s rule.

A well-informed Palestinian source, speaking on condition of anonymity, told Asharq Al-Awsat that the new Syrian administration has appointed a figure known as Abu Abdul Rahman al-Shami to oversee the file of Palestinian factions. Since assuming the role, al-Shami has convened multiple meetings with faction representatives, including regular attendees from the PFLP-GC, to discuss the fate of their fighters, weapons, property, and military infrastructure.

According to the source, al-Shami has made it clear that the new government intends to hold accountable any individuals or groups implicated in crimes against Syrian civilians during the civil war. Palestinian factions have been instructed to surrender all weapons and military equipment, and to limit their activities to humanitarian and relief work. The PFLP-GC, the source said, has largely complied.

Despite the fall of the Assad regime, Naji and much of the PFLP-GC’s second- and third-tier leadership have remained in Syria. Its offices in Damascus reportedly continue to operate, though under heightened scrutiny. Other faction leaders, however, have fled. Among them are Khaled Abdul Majid (Popular Struggle Front), Ziyad al-Saghir (Fatah–Intifada), Mohammad al-Saeed (Liwa al-Quds), and Saed Abdel Al (Free Palestine Movement). Most are believed to have sought refuge in Lebanon.

Sources confirmed that several PFLP-GC fighters have been detained in recent weeks in connection with alleged war crimes committed during their cooperation with Assad’s forces. The Syrian government has also moved to seize faction offices and military installations across the country, including properties belonging to Fatah–Intifada, the Free Palestine Movement, and the Sa’iqa Forces. Sa’iqa’s leader, Mohammad Qais, remains in Syria.

In a further blow, authorities have reportedly frozen bank accounts belonging to some Palestinian factions, both in state and private banks, although it remains unclear whether the PFLP-GC is among them.

Additionally, it is widely believed that the PFLP-GC has handed over its military training camps, which were previously spread across Damascus countryside, Daraa, Aleppo, and Suwayda. “The situation is extremely sensitive, and everyone is anxious,” one Palestinian source told Asharq Al-Awsat. “It’s likely they’ve surrendered those sites.”

The sense of unease deepened last month when Syrian authorities detained two senior Islamic Jihad officials in Damascus: Khaled Khaled, head of the group’s Syria bureau, and Abu Ali Yasser, its chief organizational officer. Both remain in custody, and no official charges have been announced.

The current atmosphere of fear and uncertainty has driven faction leaders to avoid public comment. Most now insist on anonymity when speaking to local or international media.

Before the outbreak of the Syrian uprising in March 2011, Syria hosted more than a dozen Palestinian factions. As the conflict escalated, the Assad regime encouraged the formation of new pro-regime groups, composed largely of Palestinian refugees, to fight alongside its forces.