Turkey in ‘Final Stage’ of Preparations for N. Syria Operation

A member of a Turkish-backed Syrian faction is seen in the Aleppo province on Monday. (AFP)
A member of a Turkish-backed Syrian faction is seen in the Aleppo province on Monday. (AFP)
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Turkey in ‘Final Stage’ of Preparations for N. Syria Operation

A member of a Turkish-backed Syrian faction is seen in the Aleppo province on Monday. (AFP)
A member of a Turkish-backed Syrian faction is seen in the Aleppo province on Monday. (AFP)

Turkey announced that it has reached the final stage of its preparations to launch a military operation against the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) in northern Syria.

Speaking at the 13th Ambassadors Conference in Ankara on Tuesday, Defense Minister Hulusi Akar said his country resorts to cross-border operations to protect itself from “terrorist organizations.”

He stressed that Ankara has no interest in seizing the land of other countries.

“We are taking care of 9 million Syrians and are making their lives easier. Some of them are in Turkey and others in Syria. We are now working on making regions safe for their return,” he explained.

In May, Turkey announced that it would pursue a full-scale military campaign in northern Syria to complete the establishment of safe zones near its borders. The said zones would extend 30 kilometers deep in Syrian territory.

President Recep Tayyip Erdogan stressed on Monday his country's determination to connect safe zones in northern Syria to each other.

He reiterated his threat to clear northeastern Syria of Kurdish-led forces, a reference to the Kurdish People's Protection Units (YPG), which Ankara views as a terrorist group.

“We will continue our fight against terrorism. Our decision to establish a 30-kilometre-deep secure line along our southern border is permanent,” he told the same conference in Ankara.

Despite Erdogan’s threats, Turkey’s plans for a military campaign in Syria remains without international support.

The United States, which considers the Kurds a key ally in the war against ISIS in Syria, has warned against any Turkish military move, saying that it would pose a threat to the forces participating in the war against the terror group.

European countries also rejected any new Turkish incursion.

Meanwhile, Russia demanded that Ankara cooperate with Damascus instead of resorting to a military option.

Iran, another backer of the Bashar al-Assad regime in Damascus, declared that any Turkish operation would play out in the interests of terrorists only, and would destabilize the region.

Turkish opposition parties also reject the operation and have been employing the issue ahead of next year’s parliamentary and presidential elections.

They have been using the Syrian refugee file to pressure Erdogan and his ruling Justice and Development Party and demanding their return to their home in coordination with Damascus.



Islamist Leader in Sudan’s Former Ruling Party Eyes Power After War

Ahmed Haroun, chairman of the National Congress Party (NCP), which ruled during the presidency of ousted leader Omar al-Bashir. (Reuters)
Ahmed Haroun, chairman of the National Congress Party (NCP), which ruled during the presidency of ousted leader Omar al-Bashir. (Reuters)
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Islamist Leader in Sudan’s Former Ruling Party Eyes Power After War

Ahmed Haroun, chairman of the National Congress Party (NCP), which ruled during the presidency of ousted leader Omar al-Bashir. (Reuters)
Ahmed Haroun, chairman of the National Congress Party (NCP), which ruled during the presidency of ousted leader Omar al-Bashir. (Reuters)

A senior figure in Sudan’s dissolved ruling party has revealed that the country’s Islamist movement is preparing for a return to power once the ongoing conflict ends, even if it means supporting prolonged military rule in the interim.

The remarks, made by Ahmed Haroun, former head of the National Congress Party and one of four Sudanese figures wanted by the International Criminal Court, reflect growing confidence among Islamists following their military involvement in the war.

The war, now in its third year, pits Sudan’s army against the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and has triggered massive displacement, famine, and ethnic violence. Despite the RSF holding strategic ground in Darfur and parts of southern Sudan, the army has recently gained momentum on multiple fronts.

Islamist factions claim credit for assisting in these advances, contributing fighters and logistical support.

According to military and government sources, the Islamist movement has been increasingly visible on the battlefield.

These networks, dismantled following the 2019 uprising that ousted Omar al-Bashir, have resurfaced amid the chaos of war.

A leaked party document reviewed by Reuters outlines the movement’s growing role, stating that between 2,000 and 3,000 Islamist fighters were mobilized in the conflict’s first year, with over 70,000 civilians trained for combat under the army’s call for general mobilization.

While military leadership has downplayed connections to political factions, army sources and Islamists alike acknowledge that coordination exists, particularly within elite units where Islamist-trained operatives are embedded. Islamist forces have reportedly reinforced dwindling army ranks, especially in key battles around the capital, Khartoum.

Ahmed Haroun, who escaped from prison at the onset of the conflict, proposed a governance model that preserves military control over national sovereignty and security, with a civilian prime minister emerging from future elections.

He insisted that Islamists will only return through elections, not via transitional arrangements, and argued that Sudan needs a tailored political model that accommodates military involvement due to ongoing security threats and foreign interference.

While denying the scale of Islamist involvement described in the leaked documents, Haroun admitted that supporting the army was part of a broader strategy in response to the national call for mobilization.

Military sources estimate that at least 5,000 fighters directly linked to the former ruling party are active, with many serving in specialized units or intelligence services.

Despite these developments, Haroun and other Islamist figures maintain that they do not wield authority over the army. Still, their growing influence on the battlefield and political landscape has sparked renewed concerns about the possible resurgence of Sudan’s old guard in the post-war order.