Iran-US Skirmishes Highlight Rivalry in Eastern Syria

In this file photo a US Bradley Fighting Vehicle (BFV) fires an AGM-114 Hellfire during a heavy-weaponry military exercise in the countryside of Deir Ezzor in northeastern Syria, on March 25, 2022. (AFP)
In this file photo a US Bradley Fighting Vehicle (BFV) fires an AGM-114 Hellfire during a heavy-weaponry military exercise in the countryside of Deir Ezzor in northeastern Syria, on March 25, 2022. (AFP)
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Iran-US Skirmishes Highlight Rivalry in Eastern Syria

In this file photo a US Bradley Fighting Vehicle (BFV) fires an AGM-114 Hellfire during a heavy-weaponry military exercise in the countryside of Deir Ezzor in northeastern Syria, on March 25, 2022. (AFP)
In this file photo a US Bradley Fighting Vehicle (BFV) fires an AGM-114 Hellfire during a heavy-weaponry military exercise in the countryside of Deir Ezzor in northeastern Syria, on March 25, 2022. (AFP)

Deadly skirmishes have been on the rise in recent days between US forces and Iran-aligned militias in Syria's oil-rich east, where both have carved out strategic footholds.

Here is a closer look at their rival zones of influence in the desert province of Deir Ezzor, where rocket, mortar and drone attacks have increased - just as negotiations over the revival of a nuclear deal between Iran and the West come to a head.

A province divided

Syria's eastern Deir al-Zor is a 33,000 square kilometer (12, 741.37 square mile) desert province, divided diagonally by the Euphrates River and mostly populated by tribes that share kinship with neighboring Iraq.

Syria's government and its backers on one side, and the United States and its Syrian allies on the other, fought separately to oust ISIS fighters from the zone.

Now, the US forces and their allies on the ground - the Kurdish-dominated Syrian Democratic Forces - are based in two large oil and gas fields in the province's eastern half.

The fields - locally known as Al Omar and Conoco - host most of the 900 US servicemen deployed in Syria.

The provincial capital of Deir Ezzor, the strategic border town of Albu Kamal and the area south and west of the river are held by Syria's government and allied fighters, with the Iranian units among them seen as the most elite.

These fighters have also taken up bases on a collection of river islands known as Hweija Sakr, which they use as a launching pad for attacks on US forces across the river.

Five years of tensions

The United States says its presence there aims to ensure the lasting defeat of ISIS, but skirmishes with Iran-backed groups have sporadically broken out over the last five years.

In the first attack in June 2017, a suspected Iranian drone targeted the outskirts of the Tanf garrison, a US outpost at the intersection of Syria's borders with both Iraq and Jordan.

US warplanes responded with strikes against Shiite militias closing in on the base.

Since then, Iran-aligned groups have fired mortars, Iranian-manufactured rockets, and small unmanned drones at Tanf and the oil and gas fields.

The US-led coalition has responded with air strikes by jets and helicopters, typically targeting weapons depots or other infrastructure.

In some cases, the United States has responded to rocket attacks on its troops in neighboring Iraq by bombing positions along the Syrian-Iraqi border hosting Iraqi armed groups tied to Iran.

Expanding Iranian influence

Alongside Russia, Iran and its proxies have been instrumental in helping Syrian President Bashar al-Assad regain most of the territory his forces lost since conflict erupted in 2011.

That has allowed them to retain and build up their zones of influence in far-flung parts of the country even after battles have subsided: from the northern city of Aleppo, recaptured by government-aligned forces in late 2016, to the vast desert zones in Homs and Hama and the suburbs of the capital Damascus.

In particular, Iran has extended support in energy and mineral exploitation to Syria, helping rehabilitate power plants and extract phosphate.

Its troops and their allies retain effective control of Syria's eastern front with Iraq, where units from Iran's Quds Force are suspected to be based, and its western border with Lebanon.

That corridor allows Tehran to transfer people, goods and military equipment across several countries - prompting serious concern in Israel, which has carried out its own air attacks against Iranian forces and their allies in Syria.



Damascus’ Mazzeh 86 Neighborhood, Witness of The Two-Assad Era

Members of the Syrian Arab Red Crescent stand near the wreckage of a car after what the Syrian state television said was a "guided missile attack" on the car in the Mazzeh area of Damascus, Syria October 21, 2024. REUTERS/Firas Makdesi
Members of the Syrian Arab Red Crescent stand near the wreckage of a car after what the Syrian state television said was a "guided missile attack" on the car in the Mazzeh area of Damascus, Syria October 21, 2024. REUTERS/Firas Makdesi
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Damascus’ Mazzeh 86 Neighborhood, Witness of The Two-Assad Era

Members of the Syrian Arab Red Crescent stand near the wreckage of a car after what the Syrian state television said was a "guided missile attack" on the car in the Mazzeh area of Damascus, Syria October 21, 2024. REUTERS/Firas Makdesi
Members of the Syrian Arab Red Crescent stand near the wreckage of a car after what the Syrian state television said was a "guided missile attack" on the car in the Mazzeh area of Damascus, Syria October 21, 2024. REUTERS/Firas Makdesi

In the Mazzeh 86 neighborhood, west of the Syrian capital Damascus, the names of many shops, grocery stores, and public squares still serve as a reminder of the era of ousted Syrian President Bashar al-Assad and his late father, Hafez al-Assad.

This is evident in landmarks like the “Al-Hafez Restaurant,” one of the prominent features of this area. Squares such as “Al-Areen,” “Officers,” and “Bride of the Mountain” evoke memories of the buildings surrounding them, which once housed influential officials and high-ranking officers in intelligence and security agencies. These individuals instilled fear in Syrians for five decades until their historic escape on the night of the regime’s collapse last month.

In this neighborhood, the effects of Israeli bombing are clearly visible, as it was targeted multiple times. Meanwhile, its narrow streets and alleys were strewn with military uniforms abandoned by leaders who fled before military operations arrived and liberated the area from their grip on December 8 of last year.

Here, stark contradictions come to light during a tour by Asharq Al-Awsat in a district that, until recently, was largely loyal to the former president. Muaz, a 42-year-old resident of the area, recounts how most officers and security personnel shed their military uniforms and discarded them in the streets on the night of Assad’s escape.

He said: “Many of them brought down their weapons and military ranks in the streets and fled to their hometowns along the Syrian coast.”

Administratively part of Damascus, Mazzeh 86 consists of concrete blocks randomly built between the Mazzeh Western Villas area, the Mazzeh Highway, and the well-known Sheikh Saad commercial district. Its ownership originally belonged to the residents of the Mazzeh area in Damascus. The region was once agricultural land and rocky mountain terrain. The peaks extending toward Mount Qasioun were previously seized by the Ministry of Defense, which instructed security and army personnel to build homes there without requiring property ownership documents.

Suleiman, a 30-year-old shop owner, who sells white meat and chicken, hails from the city of Jableh in the coastal province of Latakia. His father moved to this neighborhood in the 1970s to work as an army assistant.

Suleiman says he hears the sound of gunfire every evening, while General Security patrols roam the streets “searching for remnants of the former regime and wanted individuals who refuse to surrender their weapons. We fear reprisals and just want to live in peace.”

He mentioned that prices before December 8 were exorbitant and beyond the purchasing power of Syrians, with the price of a kilogram of chicken exceeding 60,000 Syrian pounds and a carton of eggs reaching 75,000.

“A single egg was sold for 2,500 pounds, which is far beyond the purchasing power of any employee in the public or private sector,” due to low salaries and the deteriorating living conditions across the country,” Suleiman added.

On the sides of the roads, pictures of the fugitive president and his father, Hafez al-Assad, were torn down, while military vehicles were parked, awaiting instructions.

Maram, 46, who previously worked as a civilian employee in the Ministry of Defense, says she is waiting for the resolution of employment statuses for workers in army institutions. She stated: “So far, there are no instructions regarding our situation. The army forces and security personnel have been given the opportunity for settlement, but there is no talk about us.”

The neighborhood, in its current form, dates back to the 1980s when Rifaat al-Assad, the younger brother of former President Hafez al-Assad, was allowed to construct the “Defense Palace,” which was referred to as “Brigade 86.” Its location is the same area now known as Mazzeh Jabal 86.

The area is divided into two parts: Mazzeh Madrasa (School) and Mazzeh Khazan (Tank). The first takes its name from the first school built and opened in the area, while the second is named after the water tank that supplies the entire Mazzeh region.

Two sources from the Mazzeh Municipality and the Mukhtar’s office estimate the neighborhood’s current population at approximately 200,000, down from over 300,000 before Assad’s fall. Most residents originate from Syria’s coastal regions, followed by those from interior provinces like Homs and Hama. There was also a portion of Kurds who had moved from the Jazira region in northeastern Syria to live there, but most returned to their areas due to the security grip and after the “Crisis Cell” bombing that killed senior security officials in mid-2012.

Along the main street connecting Al-Huda Square to Al-Sahla Pharmacy, torn images of President Hafez al-Assad are visible for the first time in this area in five decades. On balconies and walls, traces of Bashar al-Assad’s posters remain, bearing witness to his 24-year era.