Iran-Backed Militias Run 7 Narcotic-Manufacturing Laboratories in Syria's Deir Ezzor

Picture of Captagon included in the report of The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights.
Picture of Captagon included in the report of The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights.
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Iran-Backed Militias Run 7 Narcotic-Manufacturing Laboratories in Syria's Deir Ezzor

Picture of Captagon included in the report of The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights.
Picture of Captagon included in the report of The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights.

The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOHR) issued a report on narcotic manufacturing and cannabis cultivation in areas under Iran-backed militias' influence in Deir Ezzor.

Through ongoing monitoring of the manufacture of narcotics, SOHR identified the locations of seven illicit drug-manufacturing laboratories in areas under the control of Iranian-backed militias in Deir Ezzor.

The Observatory said there is no doubt that Iran continues exerting tenacious efforts to embed its presence in Syria, and increase its resources.

"Drug business" has become the primary source of income for Iranian-backed militias in Syria, especially in areas under their control in the Deir Ezzor countryside, namely the west Euphrates region.

SOHR sources identified the locations of seven illicit drug-manufacturing laboratories in areas under the control of Iranian-backed militias.

The militias affiliated with Iran introduced drugs to their areas of influence in Deir Ezzor, coming from the places of their manufacture in al-Qusayr in the southeastern countryside of Homs, or the border areas with Lebanon. Both locations are under the full supervision of the Lebanese Hezbollah.

However, the increased spread of drugs in Deir Ezzor, their promotion, and smuggling to other areas of control and outside Syrian territory through Iraq prompted the Iranian militias during the past months to manufacture drugs by establishing primitive laboratories in separate regions of the governorate.

They wanted to avoid the risks of transporting drug shipments to other provinces, fearing attacks and armed robberies, and seeking to reduce the expenses of transporting these shipments.

The seven locations for illicit drug-manufacturing laboratories in Deir Ezzor include a villa in the al-Qusayr neighborhood and six primitive plants as follows: near Bahrat Afrah, a building near the headquarters of the electrical and mechanical engineering institution in "Port Said" street, a plant near the al-Mualimeen park, a plant in the al-Khanat area on the outskirts of the al-Mayadeen city, a plant in al-Hezam area in al-Bokamal, and a plant in al-Villa street.

The Observatory estimated the number of plants and laboratories where narcotics are manufactured to be much higher.

However, activists could not detect them because of the strict security measures imposed by Iranian-backed militias and the extreme secrecy shrouding laboratories in different areas across Deir Ezzor.

Furthermore, the militias affiliated with Iran have been planting cannabis (hashish), for many months, on lands owned by displaced people in Salu and- Zabari, east of Deir Ezzor well.

The report said a number of militias were involved in these activities, including Lebanese Hezbollah, Iraqi Hezbollah, Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC), Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq and al-Abdal movement affiliated with the Iraqi Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), the National Defense Forces (NDF), the Fourth Division, and the Army of Tribes.

According to the report, the tasks assigned to these militias vary, from protection, securing raw materials, securing roads, supervision, providing logistical support, promotion, and smuggling operations.

The Lebanese Hezbollah brings compressors from al-Qusayr to the plants in Deir Ezzor and shares with the IRGC the securing of raw materials needed for manufacturing tablets of captagon.

Reliable sources told the Observatory that Lebanese and Iranian experts supervise the manufacture of narcotics and the plantation of hashish in areas under the control of Iranian-backed militias in Deir Ezzor.

The role of the remaining militias is limited to promoting drug trafficking, protection, and smuggling operations to SDF-controlled areas and other countries through Iraq.



Iran Awaits Trump's Policy on its Nuclear Program

This handout picture provided by the Atomic Energy Organization of Iran shows the organization chief Mohammad Eslami (R) during a ceremony to unveil a domestically-made high power radio frequency generator (AEOI)
This handout picture provided by the Atomic Energy Organization of Iran shows the organization chief Mohammad Eslami (R) during a ceremony to unveil a domestically-made high power radio frequency generator (AEOI)
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Iran Awaits Trump's Policy on its Nuclear Program

This handout picture provided by the Atomic Energy Organization of Iran shows the organization chief Mohammad Eslami (R) during a ceremony to unveil a domestically-made high power radio frequency generator (AEOI)
This handout picture provided by the Atomic Energy Organization of Iran shows the organization chief Mohammad Eslami (R) during a ceremony to unveil a domestically-made high power radio frequency generator (AEOI)

One of the many complex foreign policy problems that Donald Trump will inherit when he takes office in just over two weeks is Iran, according to the US Council on Foreign Relations.

Iran is on the threshold of becoming a nuclear power, its robust ballistic missile program continues to progress, and it sees the United States as the main obstacle to its domination of the Middle East, the Council wrote in an analysis.

“How will Trump respond,” it then asked, “That question is easy to answer because Trump has been consistent about his plans. He will return to his first administration’s policy of “maximum pressure.”

That effort sought to turn the economic screws on Iran by expanding US sanctions against it and ratcheting up the enforcement of sanctions already in place.

“The goal was not regime change but rather forcing Tehran to limit its nuclear and ballistic missile programs and curb support for the regional militias that made up the so-called axis of resistance,” the Council said.

It added that although maximum pressure squeezed the Iranian economy, it failed to force Tehran to the bargaining table.

The Council said even as its economy faltered and its foreign reserves dwindled, Iran continued its nuclear and ballistic missile programs, expanded its support for its regional proxies, and even launched a missile attack against a US base in Iraq in 2020.

“Would the maximum pressure campaign have paid off had the Biden administration kept it in place? Trump thinks so,” it wrote.

The Council said evidence on that score is mixed.

“Israel’s wars against Hamas and Hezbollah, and the fall of the Assad regime in Syria, have weakened Iran’s position in the region. Its proxies are fewer and weaker than just six months ago.”

Beyond that, Israel’s October retaliatory air strikes destroyed much of Iran’s air defenses, leaving it open to further military attacks.

Nuclear Program

According to the Council, that vulnerability, coupled with Iran’s economic woes and domestic unrest, may be why Iran’s foreign minister said that Iran is looking to resume nuclear talks.

By the same token, however, a maximum pressure strategy takes time to work.

“That could be in short supply, at least when it comes to Iran’s nuclear program,” according to the Council.

It said Iran intensified its uranium-enrichment efforts after Trump terminated the 2015 nuclear deal that the Obama administration negotiated.

By most estimates, it added, Iran can now build a small number of nuclear weapons within weeks of deciding to cross the nuclear threshold.

The Council on Foreign Relations also noted that other great powers will also undermine the maximum pressure policy.

“China and Russia have both skirted or ignored existing US and multilateral sanctions on Iran. They are unlikely to comply with them now unless they get something significant from the United States in return,” it said.

The Council also showed that Trump may be unwilling or unable to provide that enticement. “If Tehran believes that Beijing and Moscow have its back, resistance becomes a more feasible strategy. Tehran could even use negotiations as a way to buy time to address its vulnerabilities,” it added.

Negotiations in Good Faith

Even if Iran enters into negotiations in good faith, Trump’s efforts could stumble over deciding what deal is good enough, the Council wrote.

It said the ideological diversity of his team, composed as it is of hardliners and American Firsters, makes it likely they will argue over what Tehran needs to concede to make a deal worthwhile. That internal division could torpedo the effort to get a deal.

“All of this raises the question of what happens if talks either do not begin or, perhaps more likely, go nowhere once they do,” the Council noted.

It said calls for the US to attack Iran’s nuclear sites are likely to mount if the maximum pressure campaign does not produce quick results. “Trump will also likely hear calls that he should encourage Israel to attack Iran, though Israel lacks the capability to destroy Iran’s underground nuclear facilities.”

According to the Council, Tehran will be assessing Trump’s willingness to use military force, as well as Israel’s military capabilities, as it thinks about negotiations.

It said Iranian leaders know he ordered the assassination of Iranian General Qasem Soleimani in 2020, spoke on the campaign trail about blowing Iran “to smithereens” and has said that Israel should hit Iran’s nuclear sites.

But they also know that he campaigned against America’s “forever wars” in the Middle East while boasting, wrongly, that he is “the only president in seventy-two years” that “had no wars.”

According to the Council, resorting to military force, whether with direct US action or by encouraging Israel to attack, would be a major roll of the dice.

“It might succeed beyond its planners’ wildest dreams and usher in a new, more peaceful era in the Middle East,” it said.

Or, like the invasion of Iraq, it may open a Pandora’s Box of problems that will haunt the region and the United States for years to come, the Council showed.

But letting Iran continue its nuclear and ballistic missile programs while it rebuilds its axis of resistance has costs of its own, it noted.

Therefore, the Council said some hope that a return to the maximum pressure strategy works.