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Arab Summit Faces Regional Crises... Can it Offer Permanent or Temporary Solutions?

Family photo of Arab leaders during the Tunisia 2019 Arab Summit. (Egyptian Presidency)
Family photo of Arab leaders during the Tunisia 2019 Arab Summit. (Egyptian Presidency)
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Arab Summit Faces Regional Crises... Can it Offer Permanent or Temporary Solutions?

Family photo of Arab leaders during the Tunisia 2019 Arab Summit. (Egyptian Presidency)
Family photo of Arab leaders during the Tunisia 2019 Arab Summit. (Egyptian Presidency)

The current crises in the Arab region have raised questions whether the upcoming Arab summit in Algeria will be able to reach solutions, even if temporary, to them.

Arab officials have stressed that their countries are facing “major challenges” and that the “reunion” summit is being held in “difficult circumstances”.

Algeria is still sending out invitations to the 31st regular Arab League summit set for November 1 and 2.

Algerian newspaper Echorouk said President Abdelmadjid Tebboune has so far sent invitations to 16 Arab leaders, including Saudi Arabia, Oman, Jordan, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Qatar, Tunisia, Egypt, Palestine, Mauritania, Iraq, Djibouti, Sudan, Lebanon, and Libya.

The Algerian newspaper, L'Expression, confirmed in its editorial Tuesday that doubts about holding the summit on time have dissipated.

The daily indicated that the summit would witness significant representation, as the majority of the leaders have confirmed their attendance, noting that the first day of the conference coincides with the anniversary of the Algerian Revolution.

Over the past weeks, the Arab summit has been the subject of debate, with many issues seen as obstacles to convening the meeting on time.

Arab League Secretary-General, Ahmed Aboul Gheit set the debate to rest by declaring to the press that it was finally agreed to hold the summit in Algeria, underscoring its importance, especially after three years of suspension due to the COVID-19 pandemic.

He denied claims that the summit will be postponed or held in another country, revealing that Syria has chosen to skip this year's conference.

The reinstatement of Syria’s membership in the Arab League was one of the points of contention ahead of the summit. Algeria had insisted on restoring it to the organization, but its calls have been met with a tepid reception.

The summit has already been postponed before.

The last time the League held a regular in person summit was in Tunisia in 2019.

In past remarks, Aboul Gheit highlighted the challenges facing the Arab world. He remarked that the war in Syria is unlikely to be resolved any time soon, Iraq is still without a government despite having held elections months ago, and the Libyan capital Tripoli has witnessed renewed clashes between rival militias.

Algeria wants the Palestinian-Israeli conflict to be at the heart of discussions at the summit. Palestinian Ambassador to Algeria Fayez Abu Aita described the event as "exceptional" because it seeks to bring serious outcomes that restore balance to the Arab region.

The ambassador said in statements carried by the Algerian news agency that Palestinians are looking forward to the summit and highly commend Algerian diplomacy and its support to the Palestinian cause.

Expert at the al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, Said Okasha believes results of previous Arab summits make it difficult to expect any permanent or temporary solutions to the region's problems during this year's conference.

Okasha told Asharq Al-Awsat that many Arab nations have changed their view on national security, basing it on the safety of each state separately, with the possibility of interacting with other countries with common interests in mind.

He indicated that Arab countries are facing different sources of threat, such as terrorism, internal crises, economic challenges, and others, which they view as a priority over joint Arab action.

Algerian journalist and political analyst Nouredine Khettal noted it was difficult for the summit to succeed in resolving Arab issues for two possible reasons.

The first is the extent of the problems across the region, stretching from Iraq to Morocco. The second is the growing strength of the enemies of Arabism in several Arab countries. Such movements work on impeding all intra-Arab efforts, he remarked.

Khettal told Asharq Al-Awsat that the Arab summit is an opportunity to clear the air, adding that bridging the gap and resolving intra-Arab disputes is difficult, but possible.

He recalled the successful efforts to resolve the dispute between Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Bahrain, Egypt, and Qatar, citing the recent visit of Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi to Doha after years of differences.

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Sudan's Relentless War: A 70-Year Cycle of Conflict

Army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (left) and RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, pictured during their alliance to oust Omar al-Bashir in 2019 (AFP)
Army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (left) and RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, pictured during their alliance to oust Omar al-Bashir in 2019 (AFP)
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Sudan's Relentless War: A 70-Year Cycle of Conflict

Army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (left) and RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, pictured during their alliance to oust Omar al-Bashir in 2019 (AFP)
Army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (left) and RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, pictured during their alliance to oust Omar al-Bashir in 2019 (AFP)

While world conflicts dominate headlines, Sudan’s deepening catastrophe is unfolding largely out of sight; a brutal war that has killed tens of thousands, displaced millions, and flattened entire cities and regions.

More than a year into the conflict, some observers question whether the international community has grown weary of Sudan’s seemingly endless cycles of violence. The country has endured nearly seven decades of civil war, and what is happening now is not an exception, but the latest chapter in a bloody history of rebellion and collapse.

The first of Sudan’s modern wars began even before the country gained independence from Britain. In 1955, army officer Joseph Lagu led the southern “Anyanya” rebellion, named after a venomous snake, launching a guerrilla war that would last until 1972.

A peace agreement brokered by the World Council of Churches and Ethiopia’s late Emperor Haile Selassie ended that conflict with the signing of the Addis Ababa Accord.

But peace proved short-lived. In 1983, then-president Jaafar Nimeiry reignited tensions by announcing the imposition of Islamic Sharia law, known as the “September Laws.” The move prompted the rise of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), led by John Garang, and a renewed southern insurgency that raged for more than two decades, outliving Nimeiry’s regime.

Under Omar al-Bashir, who seized power in a 1989 military coup, the war took on an Islamist tone. His government declared “jihad” and mobilized civilians in support of the fight, but failed to secure a decisive victory.

The conflict eventually gave way to the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, better known as the Naivasha Agreement, which was brokered in Kenya and granted South Sudan the right to self-determination.

In 2011, more than 95% of South Sudanese voted to break away from Sudan, giving birth to the world’s newest country, the Republic of South Sudan. The secession marked the culmination of decades of war, which began with demands for a federal system and ended in full-scale conflict. The cost: over 2 million lives lost, and a once-unified nation split in two.

But even before South Sudan’s independence became reality, another brutal conflict had erupted in Sudan’s western Darfur region in 2003. Armed rebel groups from the region took up arms against the central government, accusing it of marginalization and neglect. What followed was a ferocious counterinsurgency campaign that drew global condemnation and triggered a major humanitarian crisis.

As violence escalated, the United Nations deployed one of its largest-ever peacekeeping missions, the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID), in a bid to stem the bloodshed.

Despite multiple peace deals, including the Juba Agreement signed in October 2020 following the ousting of long-time Islamist ruler, Bashir, fighting never truly ceased.

The Darfur war alone left more than 300,000 people dead and millions displaced. The International Criminal Court charged Bashir and several top officials, including Ahmed Haroun and Abdel Raheem Muhammad Hussein, with war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Alongside the southern conflict, yet another war erupted in 2011, this time in the Nuba Mountains of South Kordofan and the Blue Nile region. The fighting was led by Abdelaziz al-Hilu, head of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement–North (SPLM–N), a group composed largely of northern fighters who had sided with the South during the earlier civil war under John Garang.

The conflict broke out following contested elections marred by allegations of fraud, and Khartoum’s refusal to implement key provisions of the 2005 Naivasha Agreement, particularly those related to “popular consultations” in the two regions. More than a decade later, war still grips both areas, with no lasting resolution in sight.

Then came April 15, 2023. A fresh war exploded, this time in the heart of the capital, Khartoum, pitting the Sudanese Armed Forces against the powerful paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF). Now entering its third year, the conflict shows no signs of abating.

According to international reports, the war has killed more than 150,000 people and displaced around 13 million, the largest internal displacement crisis on the planet. Over 3 million Sudanese have fled to neighboring countries.

Large swathes of the capital lie in ruins, and entire states have been devastated. With Khartoum no longer viable as a seat of power, the government and military leadership have relocated to the Red Sea city of Port Sudan.

Unlike previous wars, Sudan’s current conflict has no real audience. Global pressure on the warring factions has been minimal. Media coverage is sparse. And despite warnings from the United Nations describing the crisis as “the world’s worst humanitarian catastrophe,” Sudan's descent into chaos remains largely ignored by the international community.